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My Experiences in 

MANIPUR ANDTHE 

NAGA HILLS 



CORNELL 

UNIVERSITY 

LIBRARY 




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ARTHUR PROBSTHAIN 

Oriental Bookseller 
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GAYLONO 






PHINTKO IN U.S.A. 



Cornell University Library 
DS 485.M43J73 



My experiences in Manlpur and the Naaa h 




3 1924 024 089 744 



MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUR 



THE NAGA HILLS 




Cornell University 
Library 



The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 



http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924024089744 




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I a/f^r - i^r n r. r/i o 






MY EXPEEIENCES 



IN 



MMIPUE MD THE MGA HILLS 



BY THE LATE 

Major-General STE JAMES JOHNSTONE 

K.c.s.r. 



WITH AN INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR 



ILLU8TBATED 



LONDON 
SAMPSON LOW, MAESTON AND COMPANY 

LIJUITED 

Fetter Lake, Fleet Street, B.C. 
1896 



LONDON: 
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, Lihitkb, 

STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CRUSS. 






I DEDICATE 

THESE PAGES TO THE MEMOKY OF 

Wis "Pifc, 

WHO SHABED IN MANY OF MT LABOURS AND ANXIETIES 

IN MANIPUB, AND THE NAGA HTLLS, 

AND WHOSE SPIBIT INSPIRED MB IN MY LAST ENTERPRISE, 

AND WHO, HAD SHE LIVED, 

WOULD HAVE WRITTEN A BUTTER RECORD OF 

OUR EXPERIENCES THAN I HAVE 

BEEN ABLE TO DO. 



AUTHOR'S PEEFACE. 



When I first brought my wife out to India in 1873, 
I was struck by the comments she made on things 
which had so long been part of my daily life. 
I had almost ceased to observe them. Every day 
she noted something new, and her diary was so 
interesting that I advised her to write a book on 
her " First Impressions of India," and she meant to 
do so, but never had time. Had she lived, this 
would have been a pleasure to her, but it was other- 
wise ordained. I feel now that I am in some way 
carrying out her wishes, by attempting a description 
of our life in India, though I am fully sensible that 
I cannot hope to achieve the pleasant chatty style in 
which she excelled. 

I have also striven to give a fair record of the 
events with which I was connected ; and perhaps, 
as they include a description of a state of things 
that has passed away for ever, they may not be 
devoid of interest. I am one of those old-fashioned 
Anglo-Indians who still believe in personal govern- 
ment, a system by which we gained India, solidified 
our rule, and made ourselves fairly acceptable to the 
people whom we govern. I believe the machine- 



VlU PEBFACB. 

like system which we have introduced and are 
endeavouring to force into every corner of India, 
till all personal influence is killed out, to be ill- 
adapted to the requirements of these Oriental races, 
and blighting in its effects. Not one native chief 
has. adopted it in its integrity, which is in itself a 
fair argument that it is distasteful to the native 
mind ; and we may be assured that if we evacuated 
India to-morrow, personal rule would again make 
itself felt throughout the length and breadth of the 
land, and grow stronger every day. I have always 
striven to be a reformer, but a reformer building on 
the solid foundations that we already find every- 
where in India. Wherever you go, if there is a 
semblance of native rule left, you find a system 
admirably adapted to the needs of the population, 
though very often grown over with abuses. Clear 
away these abuses, and add a little in the way of 
modern progress, but always building on the founda- 
tion you find ready to hand, and you have a system 
acceptable to all. 

We are wonderfully timid in sweeping away real 
abuses, for fear of hurting the feelings of the people ; 
at the same time we weigh them down with unne- 
cessary, oppressive, and worrying forms, and deluge 
the country with paper returns, never realising that 
these cause far more annoyance than would be felt 
at our making some radical change in a matter 
which, after all, affects only a minority. Take, for 
instance, the case of suttee, or widow-burning. It 
was argued for years that we could not put it down 
without causing a rebellion. What are the facts ? 
A governor-general, blessed with moral courage in 



PREFACE. IX 

a great degree, determined to abolish the barbarous 
custom, and his edict was obeyed without a murmur. 
So it has been in many other cases, and so it will be 
wherever we have the courage to do the right thing. 
An unpopular tax would cause more real dissatis- 
faction than any interference with bad old customs, 
only adhered to from innate conservatism. The 
great principle on which to act is to do what is right, 
and what commends itself to common sense, and to 
try and carry the people with you. Do not let us 
have more mystery than is necessary ; telling the 
plain truth is the best course ; vacillation is fatal ; 
the strongest officer is generally the most popular, 
and is remembered by the people long after he is 
dead and gone. 

Personal rule is doomed, and men born to be per- 
sonal rulers and a blessing to the governed, are now 
harassed by the authorities till they give up in 
despair, and swim with the stream. 

The machine system did not gain India, and will 
not keep it for us; we must go back to a better 
system, or be prepared to relax our grasp, and give 
up the grandest work any nation ever undertook — 
the regeneration of an empire ! 

The House of Commons has to answer for much. 
No Indian administration is safe from the inter- 
ference of theorists. To-day it is opium that is 
attacked by self-righteous individuals, who see in 
the usual, and in most cases harmless, stimulant of 
millions, a crying evil ; while they view with appa- 
rent complacency the expenditure of £120,000,000 
per annum on intoxicating liquors in England, and 
long columns in almost every newspaper recording 



X PREFACE. 

brutal outrages on helpless women and children as 
the result. 

Then the military administration is attacked, and 
in pursuance of another chimera^ an iniquitous bill 
is forced on the Grovernment of India calculated 
to produce results, which will probably sap the 
efficiency of our army at a critical moment. So it 
goes on, and it is hardly to be wondered at that 
the authorities in India give up resistance in sheer 
disgust, knowing all the while that, as the French 
say, le deluge must come after them. 

It may be said, " What has all this to do with 
Manipur and the Naga Hills ? " Nothing perhaps 
directly, but indirectly a great deal. The system 
which I decry carries its evil influence everywhere, 
and Manipur has suffered from it. I describe the 
Naga Hills and Manipur as they were in old days. 
I strove hard for years to hold the floods back from 
this little State and to preserve it intact, while doing 
all I could to introduce reforms. Now the floods 
have overwhelmed it, and if it rises again above 
them it will not be the Manipur that I knew and 
loved. May it, in spite of my doubts and fears, be 
a better Manipur. 



CONTENTS. 



Introduction 



PAGE 

xix 



CHAPTER I. 



Arrival in India — Hospitable Mends — The Lieut.-Governor— 
Journey to the Naga Hills— Nigriting— Golaghat;— A panther 
reminiscence — Hot springs — A village dance — Dimapur — My 
new abode ......... 1 

CHAPTER II. 

Samagudting — Unhealthy quarters — A callous widower — Want of 
water — Inhabitants of the Naga Hills — Captain Butler — Other 
ofiBcials — Our life in the wilds — A tiger carries off the postman 
— An Indian forest — Encouragement . . . . .12 

CHAPTER III. 

Historical events connected with Manipur and the Naga Hills — 

Different tribes — Their religion — Food and customs . , 22 



CHAPTER IV. 

Value of keeping a promise — Episode of Sallajee — Protection given 
to small villages, and the large one defied — " Thorough " 
Government of India's views — A plea for Christian education in 
the Naga Hills. 37 

CHAPTER V. 

Visit Dimapur — A terrible storm — Cultivation — Aggression by 
Konoma — My ultimatum — Konoma submits — Birth of a son — 
Forest flowers — A fever patient— Proposed change of station — 
Leave Naga Hills — March through the forest — Depredation by 
tigers-:-Calcutta — ^Return to England . . . . .45 



XU CONTENTS. 

CHAPTEE VI. 



PAGE 



Meturn to India — Attached to Foreign Office — Imperial assemblage 
at Delhi — Almorah — Appointed to Manipur — Journey to 
Shillong — Cherra Poojee — Colonel McCulloch — Question of 
ceremony ......... 54 

CHAPTER VII. 

Start for Manipur — March over the hills — Lovely scenery — View of 

the valley — State reception — The Residency — Visitors. . 60 

CHAPTER VIII. 

Visit the Maharajah — His ministers — Former revolutions — Thangal 

Major 69 

CHAPTER IX. 

Manipur — ^Early history — Our connection with it — Ghumbeer Singh 

— Burmese war ........ 78 

CHAPTER X. 

Ghumbeer Singh and our treatment of him — Nur Singh and attempt 
on his life — McCulloch — ^His wisdom and generosity — My 
establishment — Settlement of frontier dispute ... 88 

CHAPTER XI. 

My early days in Manipur — The capital — ^The inhabitants— Good 
quaUties of Manipuris — Origin of valley of Manipur — Expedi- 
tion to the Naga Hills — Lovely scenery — Attack on Kongal 
Tannah by Burmese — Return from Naga Hills — Visit Kongal 
Tannah 95 

CHAPTER XIL 

Discussions as to new Residency — Its completion — Annual boat-races 

— Kang-joop-kool — ^Daily work — Dealings with the Durbar . 104 

CHAPTER XIII. 

Violent conduct of Prince Koireng — A rebuke — Service payment — 
Advantages of Manipuri system — Customs duties — Slavery — 
Releasing slaves — Chowbas' fidelity — Sepoy's kindness to chil- 
dren—Visit to the Yoma range . . . . . .112 



CONTENTS. XIU 

PAOE 

CHAPTER XIV. 

An old acquaintance — Monetary crisis — A cure fov breaking crockery 
— Eumour of human sacrifices — Improved postal system — 
Apricots— Mulberries— A snake story— Search after treasure— 
Another snake story— Visit to Calcutta— Athletics— Ball 
practice— A near shave 122 

OHAPTEE XV. 

Spring in Manipur — Visit Kombang — Manipuri orderlies— Parade 
of the Maharajah's Guards — Birth of a daughter — An evening 
walk in the capital— Polo— Visit to Caohar . . . .131 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Punishment of female criminals — A man saved from execution — A 
Kuki executed — Old customs abolished — Anecdote of G-hum- 
beer Singh — The Manipilri army — Effort to re-organise Mani- 
pur Levy — System of rewards — " Nothing for nothing " — An 
English school — Hindoo festivals — Rainbows — View from 
Kang-joop-kool 138 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Mr. Damant and the Naga HiUs — Rumours on which I act — News 
of revolt in Naga Hills and Mr. Damant's murder — Maharajah's 
loyalty — ^March to the relief of Kohima — Relief of Kohima — 
Incidents of siege — Heroism of ladies — A noble defence . . 147 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Restoring order and confidence — Arrival of Major Evans — Arrival 
of Major Williamson — Keeping open communication — Attack 
on Phesama — Visit to Manipur — General Nation arrives — Join 
him at Suchema — Prepare to attack Konoma — Assault of 
Konoma .......... 161 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Konoma evacuated — Journey to Suchema for provisions and ammu- 
nition, and return — We march to Suchema with General — 
Visit Manipur — Very ill — Meet Sir Steuart Bayley in Cachar 
— His visit to Manipur — Grand reception — Star of India — 
Chussad attack on Chingsow — March to Kohima and back — 
Reflections on Maharajah's services — Naga Hills campaign 
overshadowed by Afghan war . . . . . . 175 



xrv CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER XX. 



PAGE 



Visit Chingsow to investigate Clnissad outrage — Interesting country 
— Rhododendrons— Splendid forest — Chingsow and the murders 
— Chattik — March back across the hills .... 182 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Saving a criminal from execution — Konoma men visit me — A 
terrible earthquake — Destruction wrought in the capitalr- 
lUness of the Maharajah — Question as to the succession — 
Arrival of the Queen's warrant — Reception by the Maharajah — 
The Burmese question . . . . . . .190 



CHAPTER XXIL 

March to Mao and improvement of the road — Lieutenant Raban — 
Constant troubles with Burmah — Visit to Mr. Elliott at 
Kohima — A tiger hunt made easy — A perilous adventure- 
Rose bushes — ^Brutal conduct of Prince Koireng — We leave 
Manipur for England ....... 198 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

Return to Manipur — Revolution in my absence — Arrangements for 
boundary — Survey and settlement — Start for Kongal-— Bur- 
mese will not act — ^We settle boundary — Report to Govern- 
ment — Return to England ....... 208 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Return to India — ^Visit to Shillong — ^Manipur again — Cordial re- 
ception — Trouble with Thangal Major — New arts introduced . 216 



CHAPTER XXV. 

A friend in need — Tour round the valley — Meet the Chief Com- 
missioner — March to Cachar — ^Tour through the Tankhool 
country — Metomi Saram^ttie— Somrah — Terrace cultivators — 
A dislocation — Old quarters at Kongal Tannah— Return to the 
valley— A sad parting, 223 



CONTENTS. XV 

PAGE 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

More trouble with Thangal Major — Tit-for-tat — Visit to the Kubo 
valley — A new Aya Pooiel — Journey to Shillong — War is 
declared — A message to Kendat to the Bombay-Burmah 
Corporation agents — Anxiety as to their fate — March to Mao . 236 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

News from Kendat — Mr. Morgan and his people safe — I determine 
to march to Moreh Tannah — March to Kendat — Arrive in time 
to save the Bombay-Burmah Corporation Agents — Visit of the 
Woon — Visit to the Woon 244 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

People fairly friendly — Crucifixion — Carelessness of Manipuris — I 
cross the Chindwin — Becross the Chindwin — Collect provi- 
sions — Erect stockades and fortify our position — Revolt at 
Kendat — We assume the offensive — Capture boats and small 
stockades — Revolt put down — Woon and Ruckstuhl rescued 
— Steamers arrive and leave ...... 251 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

Mischief done by departure of steamers — Determine to establish the 
Woon at Tamu — The country quieting down — Recovery of mails 
— Letter from the Viceroy — Arrive at Manipur — Bad news — I 
return to Tamu — Night march to Pot-thS, — An engagement — 
Wounded — Return to Manipur — Farewell — Leave for England 260 

CHAPTER XXX. 

Conclusion. 

The events of 1890-1 271 

Index 284 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



PoKTBAiT OP Majoe-Genbeal Sie J. JoHNSTONE . Frontispiece 

To face page 
Camping Out. From sketches ly Sie J. Johnstone's late wife . 6 

Samagudting „ ,, „ . 14 

Engraved Stone at Kohima. ...... 23 

Tbophibs in the Hall at Ftjlfobd, Co. Waewick. . . 48 

Kohima. From sketches by Sie J. Johnstone's late wife . . 127 
The Defbndees of Kohima and the Relieving Foece, in- 
cluding Sie Jambs Johnstone, the Jubeaj, the Senaputtbe, 

AND Thangal Majoe 157 

Akthue Johnstone's Gkave ....... 268 



INTRODUCTOEY MEMOIR. 



These experiences were written in brief intervals of 
leisure, during the last few months of the author's 
busy life, which was brought to a sudden close 
before they were finally revised. Only last March 
when his nearest relations met at Fulford Hall to 
take leave of the eldest son of the house, before he 
sailed for India, the manuscript was still incomplete, 
and Sir James read some part of it aloud. His 
health had suffered greatly from over-fatigue in the 
unhealthy parts of India, in which his lot had been 
chiefly cast, but it was now quite restored and a 
prolonged period of usefulness seemed before him. 

Improvements on the farms on his estate, a 
church within reach of his cottagers, to be built as a 
memorial to his late wife, and the hope of being 
once more employed abroad, probably as a colonial 
governor, were all plans for the immediate future, 
while the present was occupied with the magisterial 
and other business (including lectures on history in 
village institutes), which fill up so much of an 
English country gentleman's life. He had saved 
nothing in India. What the Lieutenant-Grovernor 
of Bengal wrote in 1872 of his early work at 



XX mTEODUCTOET MEMOIE. 

Keonjhur, applied to everything else lie subse- 
quently undertook : " Captain Johnstone's schools, 
twenty in number, continue to flourish, attracting 
an average attendance of 665 children. Captain 
Johnstone's efforts to improve the crops and cattle 
of Keonjhur have before been remarked by the 
Lieutenant-Grovernor. His sacrifices for this end 
and for his charge generally, are. His Honour 
believes, almost unique." * But in 1881 by the 
death of his late father's elder brother, he inherited 
the Fulford estate on the boundaries of Worcester- 
shire and Warwickshire, as well as Dunsley Manor 
in Staffordshire. The old Hall at Fulford, a strongly 
built, black and white, half-timbered erection of some 
centuries back, had been pulled down a few years 
before, and Sir James built the present house close to 
the old site. It was here that he was brought back 
in a dying state on June 13th, 1895, about 10 a.m.^ 
after riding out of the grounds only ten minutes 
before, full of life and energy. No one witnessed 
what occurred ; he was a splendid horseman, but 
there was evidence that the horse, always inclined to 
be restive, had taken fright on passing a cottager's 
gate and tried to turn back, and that, as its master's 
whip was still firmly grasped in his hand, there had 
been a struggle. 

He was engaged to - assist the next day at the 
annual meeting of the Conservative and Unionist 
Association at Stratford-on-Avon. The Marquis of 
Hertford, who presided, when announcing the 
catastrophe in very feeling terms, spoke of the ex- 
cellent work that Sir James Johnstone had done for 

* Kesolution. Political Department, No. 87, 1872. 



INTEODUCTOEY MEMOIR. xxi 

the Unionist cause in Warwickshire. At Wythall 
Churcli (of which he was warden) the Yicar alluded, 
the following Sunday, to " the striking example he 
had set of a devout and attentive worshipper." 

A retired ofi&cial who had been acquainted with 
him in India for over thirty years, wrote on the same 
occasion to Captain Charles Johnstone, E.K : " Your 
brother was a type of character not at all common, 
high-principled, fearless, just, with an overwhelm- 
ing sense of duty, and restless spirit of adven- 
ture. It is by characters of his type, that our great 
empire has been created, and it is only if such types 
continue that we may look forward and hope that it 
will be maintained and extended." 

Although the family from which Sir James John- 
stone sprang is of Scottish origin, his own branch of 
it had lived in "Worcestershire and Warwickshire 
for nearly a century and a half. " It has taken a 
prominent part in the social and public life of the 
Midlands, and has produced several eminent phy- 
sicians." * He was the eleventh in direct male descent 
from William Johnstone of Graitney, who received 
a charter of the barony of Newbie for " distinguished 
services" to the Scottish crown in 1541. A remnant 
of the old Scottish estates was inherited by his great- 
grandfather. Dr. James Johnstone, who died at 
Worcester in 1802, and who, being the fourth son 
of his parents, had left Annandale at the age of 
twenty-one to settle in Worcestershire as a physician, 
but who always kept up his relations with Scotland, 
and meant to return there in his old age. His 
anxiety to secure this estate — Gralabank — in the male 

* Birmingham Daily Post, June 15, 1895. 



XXU INTEODUCTOET MEMOIE. 

line, really defeated his purpose ; for he bequeathed 
it to his then unmarried younger son, the late 
Dr. John Johnstone, F.E.S., whose daughter now 
possesses it, to the exclusion of his elder sons who 
seemed likely to leave nothing but daughters. One 
of these elder sons was Sir James's grandfather, the 
late Dr. Edward Johnstone of Edgbaston Hall, who 
had married the heiress of Fulford, but was left a 
widower in 1800. Dr. Edward Johnstone was re- 
married in 1802 to Miss Pearson of Tettenhall, and 
of their two sons, the younger, James, born in 1806, 
practised for many years as a physician, and was 
President of the British Medical Association when 
it met in Birmingham in 1856. His eldest son, the 
subject of this notice, was born in a house now 
pulled down in the Old Square, Birmingham, on 
IJebruary 9th, 1841. Brought up in the midst of 
Ite Jarge family of brothers and sisters, whose child- 
hood waP"p£|jSsed between their home in the Old 
Square ^and their grandfather's residence at Edg- 
baston Hall, where they spent the summer and 
autumn : he used also to look back with particular 
pleasure on his visits to his maternal grandfather's 
country house, where he first mounted a pony. His 
mother was his instructor, except occasional lessons 
from the Eev. T. Price, till at the age of nine he 
entered King Edward's Classical School, of which 
his father was a governor. The head master at that 
time (1850), was the Eev. (now Archdeacon) 
E. H. Oifford, D.D., and in the school list for 1852, 
Johnstone senior is placed next in the same class to 
Mackenzie (now Sir Alex,), the present Lieutenant- 
Grovernor of Bengal. 



INTEODUCTOEY MEMOIE. XXUl 

In 1855, young James Jolinstone went to a 
military college in Paris, which was swept away 
before 1870, with a great part of the older portion 
of the city. After a year and a half in Paris he 
was transferred to the Eoyal Naval and Military 
Academy, Grosport, and a few months later qualified 
for one of the last cadetships given under the old 
East India Company. Without delay he proceeded 
to India, which was at that period distracted by the 
Indian Mutiny, so that his regiment the 68th Bengal 
Native Infantry, consisted only of oflScers attached 
to different European regiments, or acting in a civil 
capacity. With the 73rd (Queen s Eegiment) he 
marched through the country, and was actively 
employed in the suppression of the insurgents, after 
which he was stationed for some time in Assam 
where he also saw active service. There, in 1862, 
he met with the accident he alludes to on pp. 3 and 20. 
It came in the course of his duty, as the population 
of a village which had been disarmed had sent to 
the nearest military post to ask for assistance against 
a tiger (panther), causing destruction in the neigh- 
bourhood ; but he was very much hurt, and the 
weakening effects of this accident, seem to have 
predisposed him to attacks of the malaria fever of 
the district, from which he frequently suffered after- 
wards. 

His next post was at Keonjhur, where there had 
been an outbreak against the Eajah by some of the 
hiU-tribes and the chief insurgent had been executed. 
Lieutenant Johnstone was appointed special assistant 
to the superintendent of the Tributary Mehals at 
Cuttack, in whose official district Keonjhur lies. The 



XXIV INTEODUCTOET MEMOIE. 

Superintendent wrote to the Lieutenant-Governor 
(Sir William Grey) of Bengal in 1869 : " Captain 
Johnstone has acquired their full confidence, and 
hopes very shortly to be able to dispense with the 
greater part of the Special Police Force posted at 
Keonjhur. He appears to take very great interest 
in his work, and is sanguine of success." The same 
official when enclosing Captain Johnstone's first 
report, wrote : " It contains much interesting matter 
regarding the people, and shows that he has taken 
great pains in bringing them into the present 
peaceable and apparently loyal condition," and a 
little further on, when describing an interview he had 
with the Eajah : " From the manner in which he 
spoke of Captain Johnstone, I was exceedingly glad 
to find that the most good feeling exists between 
them." He also adds, apropos of a recommendation 
that the Government should pay half the expense of 
the special commission instead of charging it all on 
the native state : " Nearly one half of Captain John- 
stone's time has been occupied in Khedda (catching 
wild elephants) operations, which have been suc- 
cessful and profitable to Government, and totally 
unconnected with that officer's duty in Keonjhur."* 

A year later the superintendent (T. E. Eavenshaw, 
Esq.) reports : " Captain Johnstone, with his usuial 
liberality and tact, has clothed two thousand naked 
savages, and has succeeded in inducing them to wear 
the garments ; " and again, " Captain Johnstone's 
success in establishing schools has been most marked, 
and there are now nine hundred children receiving 
a rudimentary education. . . . Captain Johnstone 

* Printed ofScial reports. 



INTEODUCTOBY MEMOIR. XXV 

has very correctly estimated the political importance 
of education and enlightenment among the hill 
people, and it is evident that he has worked most 
judiciously and successfully in this direction." And 
again : "In the matter of improvement of breed of 
cattle, Captain Johnstone has, at his own expense, 
formed a valuable herd of sixty cows and several 
young bulls ready to extend the experiment. . . . 
Captain Johnstone's experiments on rice and flax 
cultivation have been very successful " (two years 
later this is attributed to his having superintended 
them himself). The official report sums up, " Of 
Captain Johnstone I cannot speak too highly ; his 
management has been efficient, and he has exercised 
careful and constant supervision over the Rajah and 
his estate, in a manner which has resulted in material 
improvement to both." 

Subsequently, when Captain Johnstone was on 
leave in England, the Keonjhur despatches show 
that he sent directions that the increase of his herd 
of cattle should be distributed gratis among the 
natives. They were at first afraid to accept them, 
hardly believing in the gift. 

" Keonjhur," says the Government report of India 
for 1870-1, "continues under the able adminis- 
tration of Captain Johnstone, who, it will be remem- 
bered, was mainly instrumental in restoring the 
country to quiet three years ago." 

Captain Johnstone was too good a classic not to 
remember the Roman method of conquering and 
subduing a province ; and as far as funds would 
permit, he opened out roads and cleared away jungle. 
But he suffered again from the malaria so prevalent 



XXVI INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR. 

in the forest districts of India, and took three months' 
furlough in 1871, which meant just one month in 
England. Although he had lost his father in 
May, 1869, and his absence from home that year 
gave him some extra legal expense, he would not 
quit his work till he could leave it in a satisfactory 
state ; yet the Lieut.-Governor of Bengal (Sir G-eorge 
Campbell) twice referred to this furlough as being 
" most unfortunate," particularly as it had to be 
repeated within a few months. The superintendent 
wrote from Cuttack in his yearly report to the Lieut.- 
Governor: " Captain Johnstone's serious and alarm- 
ing illness necessitated his taking sick leave to 
England in August, 1871. He had only a short 
time previously returned from furlough, and with 
health half restored, over-tasked his strength in 
carrying out elephant Khedda work in the deadly 
jungles of Moburdhunj." 

In the spring of 1872, Captain Johnstone was 
married to Emma Mary Lloyd, with whose family 
his own had a hereditary friendship of three genera- 
tions. Her father was at that time M.P. for 
Plymouth, and living at Moor Hall in Warwick- 
shire. Their first child, James, died of bronchitis 
when six mouths old, and they returned to India a 
short time afterwards, at which point the experi- 
ences begin. Their second child, Richard, was born 
at Samagudting, and is now a junior officer in the 
battalion of the 60th King's Own Eoyal Eifles, 
quartered in India. The third son, Edward, was 
born at Dunsley Manor, and two younger children 
in Manipur. 

Manipnr, to which Colonel Johnstone was appointed 



INTEODUCTOEY MEMOIR. XXVli 

in 1877, was called by one of the Indian secretaries 
the Cinderella among political agencies. " They'll 
never," he said, ''get a good man to take it." 
" Well," was the reply, " a good man has taken it 
now," The loneliness, the surrounding savages, and 
the ill-feeling excited by the Kubo valley (which so 
late as 1852 is placed in Manipur, in maps published 
in Calcutta) having been made over to Burmah, were 
among the reasons of its unpopularity. Colonel 
Johnstone's predecessor, Captain Durand (now Sir 
Edward) draws a very glaring picture in his official 
report for 1877, of the Maharajah's misgovernment ; 
the wretched condition of the people, and the most 
unpleasant position of the Political Agent, whom he 
described as " in fact a British oflScer under Manipur 
surveillance. , . . He is surrounded by spies. . . . 
If the Maharajah is not pleased with the Political 
Agent he cannot get anything — he is ostracised. 
From bad coarse black atta, which the Maharajah 
sells him as a favour, to the dhoby who washes his 
clothes, and the Nagas who work in his garden, he 
cannot purchase anything." Yet, well knowing all 
this. Colonel Johnstone readily accepted the post, 
confident that with his great knowledge of Eastern 
languages, and of Eastern customs and modes of 
thought, he should be able to bring about a better 
state of things, both as regarded the oppressed 
inhabitants and the permanent influence of the repre- 
sentative of the British Grovernment. Whether this 
confidence was justified, the following pages will 
show. 

Editor. 



MY EXPEEIENCES 



MANIPUE AND THE NAUA HILLS. 



CHAPTEE I. 

Arrival in India — Hospitable friends — The Lieutenant-Governor — Journey- 
to tlie Naga Hills — Nigriting — Golaghat — A Panther reminiscence — ■ 
Hot springs — A village dance — -Dimapur — My new abode. 

I LEFT England with my wife on November 13th, 
1873, and after an uneventful voyage, reached 
Bombay, December 9th. We proceeded at once to 
Calcutta, where some of my old servants joined me, 
including two bearers, Seewa and Keptie, wild 
Bhooyas from the Cuttack Tributary Mehals, whom 
I had trained, and who had been with me for years 
in all my wanderings, in that wild territory. 
Thanks to the kindness of mv friends the Bernards 
(now Sir C. and Lady Bernard), we spent only a day 
at an hotel, and remained under their hospitable roof 
till we left Calcutta. 

My old appointment in Keonjhur had been 
abolished, and I had to wait till another was open to 
me. I had several interviews on the subject with 
the Lieutenant-Grovernor of Bengal, Sir Gr. Campbell. 



2 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

Finally it was decided that I should go to Assam 
(then about to be made into a Chief Commissioner- 
ship) and act as Political Agent of the Naga Hills, 
while the permanent ofBcial — Captain Butler — was 
away in the Interior, and subsequently on leave. I 
knew a large part of the district well, as one of the 
most malarious in India, and when asked if I would 
take the appointment, said, " Yes, I have no objection, 
but just hint to the Lieutenant-Governor that unless 
he wants to kill me off, it may be better policy to 
send me elsewhere, as the Medical Board in London 
said, I must not go to a malarious district, after the 
experience I have had of it in Keonjhur." The 
Secretary conveyed my hint, and when I next saw 
him, said, " The Lieutenant-Governor says, that is 
all stuff and nonsense." Later on Sir G. Campbell 
asked if my wife would go with me. I quietly 
replied that she would go anywhere with me. 

Finally, on December 30th, we left Calcutta, and 
after a night in the train, embarked in one of the 
I. G. S. N. Co.'s steamers at Goalundo, for Nigriting 
on the Burrhampooter, where we had to land for the 
Naga Hills. The steamers of those days, were not 
like the well-appointed mail boats now in use. The 
voyage was long, the steamers uncomfortable, and 
the company on board anything but desirable. All 
the same, the days passed pleasantly, while we slowly; 
wended our way up the mighty river, amid lovely 
and interesting scenery all new to my wife, to whom 
I pointed out the different historic spots as they 
came in view. 

We halted at Gowhatty for the night, and early 
in the morning I swam across the river for the 



NIGEITINO. 3 

second time in my life, a distance of about three 
miles, as the current carried me in a slanting 
direction. 

At last we reached Nigriting, and were landed on 
a dry sandbank five or six miles from the celebrated 
tea gardens of that name, and the nearest habitations. 
Fortunately, I had brought a tent and all things 
needful for a march ; and my servants, well ac- 
customed to camp life, soon pitched it and made 
us comfortable, and my wife was charmed with her 
first experience. We had a message of welcome 
from Mr. Boyle, of Nigriting Factory, and the next 
day went to his house in canoes, whence we set out 
for Golaghat. 

It was to Nigriting that I was carried for change 
of air nearly twelve years before, when, in April, 
1862, I was desperately wounded in an encounter 
with a large panther near G-olaghat, where I had 
been stationed. I then lived for a week or so in a 
grass hut on a high bank, and the fresh air made 
my obstinate wounds begin to heal. Thus it hap- 
pened that all the people knew me well, and I was 
long remembered by the name of " Baghe Khooah " 
literally the " tiger eaten," a name which I found 
was still familiar to every one. Loading our things 
on elephants, and having a pony for my wife, and a 
dandy (hill litter) in case she grew tired, we set off 
for Golaghat, and had a picnic luncheon on the way. 
How delightful are our first experiences of marching 
in India, even when we have, as in this case, to put 
up with some discomfort ; the cool, crisp air in the 
morning ; the good appetite that a ten-mile walk or 
ride gives ; the feeling that breakfast has been 

B 2 



4 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

earned, and finally breakfast itself; and sucli a good 
one. Where indeed but in India could we have a 
first-rate meal of three or four courses, and every 
dish hot, with no better appliances in the shape of a 
fireplace, than two or three clods of earth ? Often 
have I had a dinner fit for a king, when heavy rain 
had been falling for hours, and there was no shelter 
for my men, but a tree with a sheet thrown over a 
branch. 

We breakfasted at a place called " Char AUee " and 
the march being long (nearly twenty miles), the 
sun was low long before reaching Grolaghat. As we 
passed some road coolies, I began a conversation 
with the old Tekla (overseer) in charge, and asked 
him if he could get me a few oranges. He said, 
" Oh no, they are all over." He then asked me how 
I came to speak Assamese so well. I said, " I have 
been in Assam before." He said, " Oh yes, there 
have been many sahibs in my time," and he named 
several; "and then long ago tliere was a 'Baghe 
Khooah ' sahib, I wonder where he is now ? " I 
looked at him and said, " Ami Baghe' Khooah " (I 
am the Baghe Khooah). The old man gazed equally 
hard at me for a moment and then ran in front of 
me and made a most profound obeisance. Having 
done this, he smilingly said, " I think I can find you 
some oranges after all," and at once ran off, and 
brought me some for which he refused to take 
anything. The good old man walked about a mile 
farther before he wished me good-bye ; and my wife 
and I Went on, greatly pleased to find that 1 was so 
well remembered. 

We did not get to Golaghat till long after dark, 



EASTEEN COMPLIMENTS. 5 

and pitched our tent on the site of the lines of my 
old detachment, which I had commanded twelve 
years before. What a change ! Trees that I had 
remembered as small, had grown large, and some 
that were planted since I left, already a fair size. 

In the morning we received a perfect ovation. 
People who had known me before, crowded to see 
me and pay their respects, many of them bringing 
their children born since I had left. All this was 
pleasant enough and greatly delighted my wife, but 
we had to proceed on our way, and it is always 
difficult to get one's followers to move from a 
civilised place, where there is a bazaar, into the 
jungle, and henceforth our road lay through jungle, 
the Nambor forest beginning about five miles from 
Golaghat. At last coolies to carry my wife arrived, 
and I sent her on in her " dandy " with her ayah, 
charging the bearers to wait for me at a village I 
well knew, called " Sipahee Hoikeeah." The men 
replied, "Hoi Deota " (Yes, deity*) and started. 
The elephants were a great difficulty, and it was 
some hours before I could get off, and even then 
some had not arrived. However, off I started, and 
hurried on to " Sipahee Hoikeeah " so as not to keep 
my wife waiting, but when I reached the spot, I 
found to my amazement that the village had ceased 
to exist, having, as I subsequently learned, been 
abandoned for fear of the Nagas. I hurried on in 
much anxiety, as my wife did not speak Hindoostani, 
and neither ayah nor bearers spoke English. At 

* One of the witnesses at the trial of the Eegent and Senaputty of 
Manipur, in 1891, stated that Mr. Quinton was partly induced to enter 
the palace from which he never emerged alive, by the Manipuris sayiiag, 
*' Are you not our deity ? " — Ed* 



6 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

last I caugJit them up at the Nambor hot springs,, 
called by natives the " Noonpoong " where we were 
to halt. 

The Noonpoong is situated in a lovely spot amidst 
fine forest. The hot water springs out of the ground, 
at a temperature of 112 degrees and fills a small 
pool. It is similar in taste to the waters of Aix-la* 
Chapelle, and is highly efficacious in skin diseases^ 
being resorted to even for the cure of severe leech 
bites, which are easily obtained from the land leech 
infesting all the forests of Assam. Fortunately some 
of our cooking things, with chairs and a table 
arrived, also a mattress, but no bed and no tent.' 
We waited till 9 p.m., and finding that no more 
elephants came up, I made up a bed for my wife on 
the ground under a table, to shelter her. from the 
dew, but while sitting by the camp fire for a last 
warm, we heard the noise of an elephant, and saw 
one emerging from the forest. Fortunately he 
carried the tent which was quickly pitched, and we 
passed a comfortable night. 

The hot springs are not the only attraction of the 
neighbourhood, as about two miles off in the forest, 
there is a very pretty waterfall, not high, but the 
volume of water is considerable, and it comes down 
with a thundering sound heard for some distance. 
The natives call it the " phutta hil," literally "rent 
rock." The Nambor forest is noted for its Nahor or 
Nagessur trees (Mesua Ferma) a handsome tree, the 
heart of which is a fine red wood, very hard and 
very heavy, and quite impervious to the attacks of 
white ants. Europeans call it the iron wood of 
Assam. It is very plentiful in parts of the forest 



■Jf?. 




^»'i'i;^ 



ivm^^sf:'^ 




< 






LOSS OP POPULATION. 7 

between the Noonpoong and Grolaghat, and also 
grows in the lowlands of Manipur. 

The next morning we set out for Borpathar, a 
village with a fine sheet of cultivation on the banks 
of the Dunseree, and took up our quarters in the 
old blockhouse, which had been converted into a 
comfortable rest house. Here again we received a 
perfect ovation, the people, headed by my old friend 
Hova Earn, now promoted to a Mouzadar, coming 
in a body, with fruit and eggs, etc., to pay their 
respects. The population had sadly diminished 
since my early days, the people having in many 
cases fled the country for fear of Naga raids. 

The march having been a short one, all our 
baggage had time to come up. In the evening the 
girls of the village entertained us with one of their 
national dances, a very pretty and interesting sight. 
After a good night's rest we again started, our 
march lying through the noble forest, where but- 
tressed trees formed an arch over the road, showing 
plainly that Grothic architecture was an adaptation 
from nature. I had never marched along the road 
since it was cleared ; but I was there in 1862, in 
pursuit of some Naga raiders, when it would have 
been impassable, but for elephant and rhinoceros 
tracks. Even then I was struck by its great beauty, 
and now it was a fairly good cold weather track. 

We halted at Deo Panee, then at Hurreo Jan, and 
Nowkatta, and on the fourth day reached Dimapur, 
where we found a comfortable rest house, on the 
banks of a fine tank about two hundred yards square. 
This, with many others near it, spoke of days of 
civilisation that had long since passed away, before 



8 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

the Naga drove the Cacharee from the hills he now 
inhabits, and from the rich valley of the Dunseree. 
Near Dimapur we passed a Meekir hut built on 
posts ten or twelve feet high, and with a notched 
log resting against it, at an angle of about seventy- 
degrees by way of a staircase, up which a dog ran 
like a squirrel at our approach. The Meekirs occupy 
some low hill ranges between the Naga hills and 
the Burrhampooter. 

The country round Dimapur is exceedingly rich, 
and everywhere bears the marks of having been 
thickly populated. It is well supplied with artificial 
square tanks, some much larger than the one already 
referred to, and on the opposite bank of the river 
we crossed to reach our halting place, are the 
remains of an old fortified city. Mounds containing 
broken pottery made with the wheel, abound, though 
the neighbouring tribes have forgotten its use. At 
Dimapur, in those days, there were three or four 
Government elephants and a few shops kept by 
" Khyahs," an enterprising race of merchants from 
"Western India. 

The ruined city is worth describing. It was 
surrounded originally by solid brick walls twelve 
feet in height and six in thickness, the bricks 
admirably made and burned. The walls enclosed 
a space seven hundred yards square ; it was entered 
by a Gothic archway, and not far off had a gap in 
the wall, said to have been made for cattle to enter 
by. Inside were tanks, some lined with brick walls, 
and with brick steps leading to the water. Though 
I carefully explored the interior, I never saw any 
other traces of brickwork, except perhaps a plat- 



ANCIENT EUINS. 9 

form ; but I found one or two sacrificial stones, for 
offerings of flowers, water and oil. One corner of 
the surrounding wall bad been cut away by the 
river. The enclosure is covered with forest. Near 
the gateway are some huge monoliths, one eighteen 
feet in height. All are covered with sculpture, and 
some have deep grooves cut in the top, as if to 
receive beams. It is difficult to conjecture what they 
were brought there for, and how they were trans- 
ported, as the nearest rocks from which they could 
have been cut, are at least ten miles away. If the 
Assam-Bengal Railway passes near Dimapur as is, I 
believe, arranged, this interesting old city wall will 
probably be used as a quarry for railway purposes, 
and soon none of it will remain. Alas, for Yan- 
dalism ! 

History tells us little about the origin of Dimapur, 
but probably it was once a centre of Cacharee civili- 
sation, and as the Angami Nagas advanced, the 
city wall was built, so as to afford a place of refuge 
against sudden raids. It is a strange sight to see 
the relics of a forgotten civilisatioUj in the midst of a 
pathless forest. 

On our march up, we frequently came upon the 
windings of the river Dunseree. At Nowkatta it 
runs parallel for a time with the road, and we took 
our evening walk on its dry sandbanks, finding 
many recent traces of tigers and wild elephants. 
From that time till we finally left the hills, the roar 
of tigers and the trumpeting of elephants were such 
common sounds, that we ceased to pay attention to 
them, and my wife, though naturally timid, became 
devoted to the wild solitude of our life. 



10 MY EXPEEIBNCBS IN MANIPUB. 

At Dimapur we enjoyed the luxuiy of fresh milk, 
which, of course, the forest did not supply. The 
night was delightfully cold, and the next morning 
crisp and invigorating, and we set off at an early 
hour^ for our last march into Samagudting. 

For the first eight miles our road was through a 
level forest country, with the exception of a piece of 
low-lying grass land, and at a place called Nichu 
Guard the ascent of the hill commenced. This 
entrance of the gorge through which the Diphoo 
Panee river enters the low lands is very beautiful, 
the stream rushing out from the hills over a pebbly 
bottom, and it was a favourite encamping ground for 
us in our later marches. Now, we had not time to 
halt, so hurried on. The road up the hill was in 
fair condition for men and elephants, but did not 
admit of wheeled traflSc, had there been, any 
carts to use. We accomplished the ascent, a dis- 
tance of four miles, in about two hours, obtaining 
several lovely views of the boundless forest, on 
our way. 

The vegetation on the hill itself had been much 
injured by the abominable practice hillmen have, of 
clearing a fresh space every two or three years, and 
deserting it for another, when the soil has been 
exhausted. This never gives it time to recover. At 
last we reached the summit, and took possession of 
the Political Agent's house, a large bungalow, built 
of grass and bamboo, the roof being supported by 
wooden posts, on the highest point of the hill. A 
glance showed me that the posts were nearly eaten 
through by white ants, and that the fijst high wind 
would level it with the ground. It had been built 



PEIBNDLY NAGAS. 11 

by a man who never intended to stay, and who only 
wanted it to last his time. 

Later in the day, I took over the charge from 
Mr. Coombs, who was acting till my arrival, and 
thus became, for the time, chief of the district. My 
staff consisted of Mr. Needham, Assistant Political 
Agent, and Mr. Cooper, in medical charge, the usual 
office establishment, and one hundred and fifty military 
police. Most of these, together with Captain Butler, 
for whom I was acting, were away in the Interior 
with a survey party. Mr. Coombs left in a day or 
two, and I then occupied his bungalow lower down 
the hill, and in a more exposed position, so as to 
allow of the larger house being rebuilt. Besides the 
Government establishment, we had a fair-sized Naga 
village on the hill, and just below the Political 
Agent's house. These people had long been friendly 
to us, and were willing, for a large recompense, to do 
all sorts of odd jobs, being entirely free from the 
caste prejudices of our Hindoo and degenerate 
Mussulman fellow-subjects. 



12 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTER II. 

SamSgudting — Unhealthy quarters — A callous widower — Want of water — 
Inhabitants of the Naga Hills — Captain Butler — Other officials — Our 
life in the wilds — A tiger carries off the postman — An Indian forest — 
Encouragement, 

My first impressions of Samagudting, were anything 
but favourable. It was eminently a " make-shift 
place." It had been occupied by us as a small out- 
post, from time to time, between 1846 and 1851, but 
it was never fit for a permanent post of more than 
twenty-five men, as the water supply was bad, there 
being no springs, and only a few water holes which 
were entirely dependent on the uncertain rainfall. A 
small tank had been constructed, but it was 500 feet 
below the summit, so that water was sold at an 
almost prohibitive rate. All articles of food were 
scarce, dear and bad, wood was enormously dear, and 
to crown all, the place was unhealthy and constantly 
enveloped in fog. 

Samagudting* ought never to have been occupied, 
and would not have been, had the Government 
taken ordinary precautions to verify the too roseate 
reports of an officer who wished to see it adopted as 
the headquarters of a new district, as a speedy road 

* The Astiam Administration Eeport of 1877-8 writes of it as " no- 
toriously unhealthy, and it had long been proposed to move the troops 
to a higher and less feverish sj^ot." — Ed. 



AN UNHEALTHY STATION. 13 

to promotion, and subsequent transfer to a more 
favoured appointment. The report in question which, 
among other things, mentioned the existence of 
springs of water, that existed only in imagination, 
having once been accepted by the authorities, and 
a large expenditure incurred, it became a very 
invidious task for future Political Agents to unmask 
the affair, and proclaim the extreme unsuitability of 
Samagudting for a sta,tion. 

Many other good and healthy sites were available, 
and I believe that our dealings with the Nagas Were 
greatly retarded, by the adoption of such an unsuit- 
able post. As it was, having made our road over 
the hill, it was necessary to climb an ascent of over 
two thousand feet, and an equal descent, before 
entering the really important portion of the Angami 
Naga country. I at once saw that the right entrance 
lay by the Diphoo Panee Grorge, and I recommended 
its adoption. I began to make this road during the 
Naga Hills Campaign of 1879-80, and it has since 
been regularly used. 

Having said all that there was to say against 
Samagudting, it is only fair to mention its good 
points. First, though never so cold in the winter, 
as the plains, the temperature was never so high in 
the hot' and rainy seasons ; and when the weather 
was fine, it was very enjoyable. The views from 
the hill were magnificent. To the south, the Burrail 
range, from which a broad and undulating valley' 
divided us. To the west, a long stretch of hills and' 
forests. To the east, the valley of the Dunseree, 
bordered by the Eengraa and Lotah Naga hills, a 
vast forest, stretching as far as the eye could reach. 



14 MY EXPERIENCES IN NANIPUR. 

with here and there a large patch of high grass 
land, one of which many miles in extent, was the 
Rengma Putha, a grand elephant catching ground 
in old times, where many a noble elephant became 
a victim to the untiring energy of the Bengali 
elephant phandaits or noosers, from the Morung.* 
To the north, the view extended over a pathless 
forest, the first break being the Doboka Hills. 
Behind these, a long bank of mist showed the 
line of the Burrhampooter, while on clear days in 
the cold weather, we might see the dark line of 
the Bhootan Hills, with the snowy peaks of the 
Himalayas towering above them.f Altogether, it 
was a sight once seen, never to be forgotten. 

There was a footpath all round the hill, which, 
after a little alteration of level here and there, and 
a little repairing, where landslips had made it un- 
safe, was delightful for a morning or evening walk 
or ride. As my wife was fond of botany, she found 
a subject of never-ending interest in the many wild 
flowers, ferns, and climbing plants, and soon grew 
accustomed to riding along the edge of a dizzy 
precipice. 

Our private establishment consisted of ten or 
twelve servants in all, including a girl of the Kuki 
tribe, named Bykoout, who assisted the ayah ; a very 
small establishment for India. Servants in Assam are 
bad and difficult to keep. Most of mine were imported, 
hut, with the exception of my two faithful Bhooyas, 
Seewa and Keptie, and a syce (groom), by name 

1 * When I first went to Assam almost all elephant-catching was done 
hy noosing. 

t The country bordering on the Bhootan Dooars in the Eingpore 
district. 



REFORMS. 15 

Peewa, they were all soon corrupted, though some 
had been with me for years. Seewa once said to 
me, " The influence here is so bad, that we too shall 
be corrupted if we stay long." Seewa was quite a 
character. One day I got a letter from one of his 
relations, asking me to tell him that his wife was 
dead. I remembered her well ; it was a love match, 
and she had run away with him. I feared it would 
be such a blow, that I felt quite nervous about 
telling him, and put it off till the evening, when, 
with a faltering voice, I broke the news as gently as 
I could. Instead of the outburst of grief I had 
looked for, he quietly asked, " What did she die of ? " 
I said, " Fever." He replied, " Oh, yes, I thought it 
must be that. Will you write and see that all her 
property is made over to my brother, otherwise 
some of her people may steal it ? " 

The state of things at Samagudting was very dis- 
couraging. I resented seeing the Government and 
the establishment being charged famine prices for 
everything, by the Nagas and Khyahs ; also the 
general squalor which prevailed, and which I felt 
need not exist. It was the inheritance of the hand- 
to-mouth system in which everything had been com- 
menced in early days. However, my wife set me an 
example of cheerfulness, and I made up my mind to 
remedy all the evils I could. First, the supply 
system was attacked, and I made arrangements with 
some old Khyah friends at Grolaghat, to send up 
large supplies of rice and other kinds of food, and 
as the season advanced, I encouraged such of the 
military police as could be spared to take up land at 
Dimapur, and cultivate. For ourselves, I bought. 



16 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

two COWS at Borpathar, and established them at 
Nichu Gruard, whence my gardener brought np the 
milk every day. In a short time we were more 
comfortable than could have been expected, and 
there was the additional satisfaction of seeing that 
the arrangements for cheaper food for the establish- 
ment proved successful. Water was the standing 
difficulty ; we had to depend upon the caprice of 
the Naga water-carriers, and frequently my wife's 
bath, filled ready for the next morning, had to be 
emptied in the evening to provide water for cooking 
our evening meal ! Sometimes I got clean water for 
drinking from the Diphoo Panee, otherwise what 
we had was as if it had been taken from a dirty 
puddle. The want of water prevented our having a 
garden near our house ; we had a few hardy flowers, 
including the shoe-flower — a kind of hibiscus — roses, 
and passion-flower. Such vegetable-garden as we 
had was at Nichu Guard, where the soil was good, 
and water plentiful. 

Our house was watertight, and that was the best 
that could be said for it. It was thatched, with 
walls of split bamboos and strengthened by wooden 
posts ; there were no glass windows, and the doors 
and shutters were of split bamboo tied together ; the 
mud floor was also covered with thin split bamboos, 
and had to be swept constantly, as the dust worked 
through. We had one sitting-room, a bed-room, 
bath-room, pantry, and store-room, the latter full of 
rats. Snakes occasionally visited us, and a day or 
two after we had settled in, a cat rushed in while we 
were at breakfast, jumped on my knee and took, 
away the meat from my plate, and bit and scratched 



SAMAGUDTlNa. 17 

me when I tried to catch, her. My dressing-room 
was the shade of a tree outside, where I bathed 
Anglo-Indian camp fashion, substituting a large 
hollow bamboo for the usual mussuk, or skin of 
water. 

We arrived at Samagudting on January 23 rd, 
1874, and by the beginning of February felt quite 
old residents ; hill-walking no longer tired me, and 
we had made acquaintance with all the Nagas of the 
village, and of many others, and were on quite 
friendly terms with " Jatsole," the chief of Sama- 
gudting, a shrewd far-seeing man, with great force 
of character. 

I have mentioned the Burrail range, and the 
valley separating us. Besides Samagudting there 
were two other villages on our side, Sitekima, on the 
opposite bank of the Diphoo Panee Grorge, and Tese- 
phima, on outlying spurs of Samagudting. I say 
Samagudting, as it has become the common appel- 
lation, but correctly speaking it should be Chumoo- 
kodima. 

On the side of the Burrail facing us, were villages 
belonging to a tribe we call Kutcha Nagas, a race 
inferior in fighting power to the Angamis, but not 
unlike them in appearance, though of inferior 
physique. These villages were formerly inhabited 
by Cacharees.* 

On February 4th, I had a letter from Captain 
Butler, saying that he would be at Kohima in a day 
or two, and asking me to meet him there. He said 
that three of the police would be a sufficient escort 
I accordingly took three men, and started on the 

* See subsequent sketch of Naga tribes in Chapter III. 
<i1 



18 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

6th, marching to Piphima twenty-one miles, and the 
next morning another twenty-one into Kohima, two 
very hard marches. I was glad to renew my 
acquaintance with Butler, whom I had known when 
he first landed in India in 1861, and I was in Fort 
William, studying for my Hindustani examination. 
He was a fine manly fellow, admirably fitted to con- 
duct an expedition, where pluck and perseverance 
were required. Here, 1 also met Dr. Brown, 
Political Agent of Manipur, and Captain (now 
Colonel) Badgley and Lieutenant (now Colonel C.B.) 
Woodthorpe, R.B., of the survey, also Lieutenant 
(now Major Y.C.) Ridgeway, 44th N.I.), I spent a 
pleasant evening, discussing various subjects with 
Captain Butler, and early on the 8th started on my 
return journey. 

Captain Butler had done the whole forty-two 
miles into Samagudting in one day, and I determined 
to attempt it, and succeeded, though the last 2000 feet 
of ascent to my house was rather hard, tired as I was. 
My wife did not expect me, but I had arranged to 
fire three shots from my rifle as a signal, if I arrived 
at any time by night; this I did about 500 feet 
below my house, and I at once saw lanterns appear 
far above me, and in a quarter of an hour, or twenty 
minutes, I was at my door. The sound of firing at 
9 P.M. created quite a sensation among the weak- 
nerved ones on the hill, but it was good practice for 
the sentries to be kept on the alert. Ever after, 
three shots from a rifle or a revolver, were always 
my signal when I neared home, and often in after 
years were they heard in the dead of night, when I 
was thought to be miles away. My wife used to 



A TIGEE. 19 

say that it kept the people in good order, never 
knowing when to expect me. I think it did. 

Life was never monotonous. I took long walks, 
after our morning walk round the hill, to inspect 
roads and bridges — a very important work. Then 
I attended Outcherry (the court of justice) and heard 
cases, often with a loaded revolver in my hand, in 
case of any wild savage attempting to dispute 
my authority ; then I finished off revenue work, of 
which there was little, and went home, had a cup of 
tea, visited hospitals and gaol, if I had not already 
done so ; and afterwards went for an evening walk 
with my wife, round the hill or through the village. 

Sometimes duty took me to the plains, and we had 
a most delightful march to the Nambor hot springs, 
when I arranged to have a rest house built at Now- 
katta, between Dimapur and Hurreo Jan. We 
reached the last place, just after a dreadful catas- 
trophe had occurred. The rest house was raised 
on posts, six feet above the ground. One night 
when the man carrying the dak (post) had arrived 
from Borpathar, he hung up the letter bag under the 
house on a peg, and having had his evening meal, 
retired to rest in the house with one or two other 
travellers. Suddenly a huge tiger rushed up the 
steps, sprang through the open door, and seizing 
one of the sleepers, bounded off' into the forest with 
him. One of my police who was there snatched up 
his rifle, pursued the tiger and fired, making him 
drop the man, but life was extinct, and when we 
arrived, there was a huge bloodstain on the floor, at 
least a yard long. Strange to say, the letter bag 
was on one occasion carried off by a tiger, but after- 

c 2 



20 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

wards recovered, uninjured save by tooth marks. 
The policeman was promoted for his gallantry. 

The day after leaving Hurreo Jan, we met a party 
of Eengma Nagas coming to see me, with some 
little presents. They were the men who helped to 
kill the panther, that wounded me in 1862,* and 
they brought with them the son of one of their 
number, who was killed by the infuriated beast, a 
fine lad of fifteen ; needless to say, that I rewarded 
these friendly people, whom I had not seen for 
twelve years. "We halted a day or two at the 
springs, as I had to visit Golaghat on business, and 
unfortunately missed seeing a herd of wild elephants 
caught, a sight I had wished my wife to see. She 
did see the stockade, but the elephants had been 
already taken out. I hope farther on to describe an 
elephant drive. 

I do not know a more agreeable place to halt at 
than the hot springs in former days. In cold 
weather before the mosquitoes had arrived it was 
perfect rest. A little opening in the tall dark forest, 
in the centre some scrub jungle, including fragrant 
wild lemons and citrons, with the pool in the midst ; 
a babbling stream flowed all round the opening, on 
the other side of which was a high bank. The 

* Sir James (then Lieut.) Johnstone headed a party to clear an 
Assamese village from a panther that had killed several natives and was 
terrifying the district. It retreated into a house which he ordered to be 
pulled down, and as his men were thus engaged it sprang from a window 
on to his shoulder. With his other arm — the left — he fired at it behind 
his back and wounded it sufBciently to make it loose its hold, and rush 
off into the jungle, where it was killed in the course of the afternoon. His 
arm was terribly injured, and he always considered that he owed complete 
recovery of the use of it to the kindness and skill of an Enghsh medical 
friend who came from a great distance to attend him. Every one else 
who was wounded by the same panther died. — Ed. 



VISITORS. 21 

bathing was delightful, and could be made quite 
piivate for ladies, by means of a cloth enclosure, 
well known to the Assamese by the name of " Ar 
Kapor." Then the occasional weird cry of the hoo- 
cook ape, and the gambols of numerous monkeys in 
the tall trees on the _ high bank, gave plenty of 
interest to the scene, had the general aspect of the 
place failed in its attractions. 

Soon after our return to headquarters, the survey 
party arrived from the interior of the hills, anc^after 
a few days' rest, departed for their summer quarters. 
Captain Butler then started for England, and Mr. 
Needham came in to Samagudting. 

Thus left in charge for a considerable period, I felt 
justified in doing more than I should have done, had 
my stay only been of a temporary nature, and I 
went most thoroughly into all questions connected 
with the hills and their administration. My long 
experience in charge of a native state full of wild 
hill tribes, and my personal knowledge of many of 
the Naga and other wild tribes of Assam (a know- 
ledge that went back as far as 1860), were a great 
help to me, as I was consequently not new to the 
work. The eastern frontier had always been to my 
mind the most interesting field of work in India, and 
now it was for me to learn all I could. 



22 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTEE III. 

Historical events connected witli Manipur and the Naga Hills — Different 
tribes — -Their religion — Pood and customs. 

Shortly after my arrival at Samagudting, I received 
a cheering letter, just when I most needed it, from 
my old friend Wynne, then Acting Foreign Secre- 
tary, saying, " Don't be too disappointed at not 
receiving a better appointment than the Naga Hills. 
You will have plenty of good work to do, and you 
will increase your already very extensive knowledge 
of wild tribes." It was the last letter I ever received 
from him, as cholera quickly carried him off, and I 
lost in him one of the kindest friends I ever had, 
one who had constantly interested himself in my 
work, and given me advice. Such a friend would 
have been invaluable now. Our position in the 
Naga Nills was an anxious one, and can only be 
properly realised by knowing the course of previous 
events. 

Our first acquaintance with the Nagas practically 
began in 1832, when Captain Jenkins and Lieutenant 
Pemberton escorted by Rajah Ghumbeer Singh's 
Manipur troops, forced a passage through the hills with 
a view to ascertaining if there were a practicable 
route into Assam. They came v!d Paptongmai and 
Samagudting to Mohong Deejood. There is every 




KoHiMA Stone. 



[Page 23. 



THE KOHIMA STONE. 23 

reason to believe that the Manipuris in fol-mer days 
did penetrate into the Naga Hills, and exacted tribute 
when they felt strong enough to do so. AH the 
villages have Manipur names in addition to their 
own. But during the period of her decadence, just 
before and during the Burmese War of 1819-25, 
any influence Manipur may have possessed fell into 
abeyance. At that time it was re-asserted, and 
Grhumbeer Singh reduced several villages to sub- 
mission, including the largest of all, Kohima, at 
which place he stood upon a stone and bad his foot- 
prints sculptured on it, in token of conquest. This 
was set up in a prominent position, together with 
an upright stone bearing carved figures and an 
inscription. 

The Nagas greatly respected this stone and cleaned 
it from time to time. They opened a large trade 
with Manipur, and whenever a Manipuri visited a 
Naga village he was treated as an honoured guest, 
at a time when a British subject could not venture 
into the interior without risk of being murdered. 

Even up to the Naga Hills campaign of 1879-80, 
the Nagas regarded Manipur as the greater power of 
the two, because her conduct was consistent ; if she 
threatened, she acted. One British subject after 
another might be murdered with impunity, but woe 
betide the village that murdered a subject of Manipur. 
A force of Manipuris was instantly despatched, the 
village was attacked, destroyed, and ample compen- 
sation exacted. The system answered well for 
Manipur ; many of the Nagas began to speak 
Manipuri, and several villages paid an annual 
tribute. Still, up to 1851, we considered that we 



24 MY EXPEBIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

had some shadowy claim to the hills, though we 
never openly asserted it. 

I may as well give a short account of the diflFerent 
tribes inhabiting the Naga Hills district when I took 
charge. The oldest were — 

Oacharees. 

Their origin is obscure. They are first met with 
in the north-east portion of the Assam Valley 
between the Muttuk country and Sudya. Round 
the last in the vast forests, there are numerous ruins 
ascribed by the people to the Cacharee Eajahs, built 
of substantial brickwork. I have not seen any 
sculptured stonework, but it may exist. The tradi- 
tions give no clue to their original home, which was 
probably in Thibet. From the neighbourhood of 
Sudya they penetrated down the valley, leaving 
buildings and remnants of their tribes here and there, 
notably in the Durrung district. The main body 
were, for a time settled in the nighbourhood of 
Dimapur, and the country lying between it and 
Doboka, the Cachar district, but when they arrived 
or how long they stayed we have no means of as- 
certaining. They occupied the first two or three 
ranges of the Burrails and stoutly contested posses- 
sion with the Naga invaders, and after they had been 
dispossessed made a gallant attempt to retrieve their 
afi'airs by an attack on Sephema. They entered the 
hills by the Diphoo gorge and constructed a paved 
road up to the neighbourhood of Sephema where 
they would probably have succeeded in their opera- 
tions, but that the Sephema Nagas, skilful then as 



CAPTAIN BUTLER. 25 

now, in the use of poison, poisoned the waters and 
destroyed a large portion of the invaders ; the rest 
retreated to Dimapur, and eventually left the neigh- 
bourhood and settled in Cachar, to which they gave 
their name. There are still a good many Cacharees 
on the banks of the Kopiti, in the neighbourhood of 
Mohung-dee-jood. They are a fine hardy race, and 
in my time the Naga Hills police was largely re- 
cruited from them. Under Captain Butler they did 
good service, and would have gone anywhere when 
led by him.* The Cacharees were governed formerly 
by a race of despotic chiefs. 



KUKIS. 

The Kukis are a wandering race consisting of 
several tribes who have long been working up from 
the South. They were first heard of as Kukis, in 
Manipur, between 1830 and 1840 ; though tribes of 
the same race had long been subject to the Eajah 
of Manipur. The new immigrants began to cause 
anxiety about the year 1845, and soon poured into 
the hill tracts of Manipur in such numbers, as to 
drive away many of the older inhabitants. Fortu- 
nately, the political agent (at this time Lieutenant 
afterwards Colonel McCulloch)f was a man well 

* Captain Butler was struck by a spear from a Naga ambuscade, near 
the village of Pangtl in the Naga Hills on December 25, 1876. He died 
on January 7. He had held the appointment of Political Agent for seven 
years, and was the son of Colonel Butler, the author of ' Scenes in 
Assam ' and ' A Sketch in Assam,' the earliest accounts of that eastern 
border. — Ed. 

t " The influence exercised by Colonel McCulloch as a political agent at 
Manipur was most beneficial," wrote the 2Vmes, April 1, 1891, "and 



26 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUK. 

able to cope with the situation. Cool and resolute, 
he at once realised and faced the difficulty. Manipur 
in those days, owing to intestine quarrels, could have 
done nothing, and the Eajah Nur Singh gladly 
handed over the management of the new arrivals to 
him. 

Seeing that the Kukis had been driven north by 
kindred but more powerful tribes, and that their 
first object was to secure land for cultivation ; 
McCulloch, as they arrived, settled them down, 
allotting to them lands in different places according 
to their numbers, and where their presence would 
be useful on exposed frontiers. He advanced them 
large sums from his own pocket, assigning different 
duties to each chiefs followers. Some were made 
into irregular troops, others were told off to carry 
loads according to the customs of the state. Thus in 
time many thousands of fierce Kukis were settled 
down as peaceful subjects of Manipur, and Colonel 
McCulloch retained supreme control over them to 
the last. So great was his influence, that he had 
only to send round his silver mounted dao (Burmese 
sword) as a kind of fiery cross, when all able-bodied 
men at once assembled at his summons. 

Colonel McCulloch's policy of planting Kuki settle- 
ments on exposed frontiers, induced the Grovernment 
of Bengal to try a similar experiment, and a large 
colony of Kukis were settled in 1855 in the neigh- 
bourhood of Langting, to act as a barrier for North 
Cachar against the raids of the Angami Nagas. The 

since his time no one has been more successful than Colonel Johnstone, 
who took charge in 1877, and rendered conspicuous service by raising the 
siege of Kohimas by the Nagas in 1879." — Ed. 



NAGA TRIBES. 27 

experiiiient answered well to a certain extent, and 
would have answered better, had we been a little less 
timid. The Kukis are strictly monarchical, and their 
chiefs are absolutely despotic, and may murder or 
sell their subjects into slavery without a murmur of 
dissent. Their original home cannot be correctly 
ascertained, but there seem to be traces of them as 
far south as the Malay peninsula. They are readily 
distinguishable from the Nagas, and are braver men. 
Their women are often very fair, and wear their 
hair in a long thick plait down the back. The men 
are mostly copper coloured, and have often good 
features. 

KuTCHA Nagas. 

The tribe we call Kutcha Nagas, very much 
resemble the Angamis, though of inferior physique. 
They are closely allied to the Nagas in Manipur, as 
well as to the Angamis, and probably were pushed 
in front of the latter from the Northern North-East, 
as the Kukis were forced in by the pressure of 
stronger tribes to their South. They have always 
been less warlike than their powerful neighbours, 
though they could be troublesome at times. 

Angami Nagas. 

A strong built, hardy, active race, the men aver- 
aging 5 feet 8 inches to 6 feet in height, and the 
women tall in proportion. In colour they vary from 
a rich brown to a yellowish or light brown. They 
have a manly independent bearing, and are bred up 
to war from their earliest years. While the Kukis 



28 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

are monarchists, the Nagas are republicans, and their 
Peumahs, or chiefs, are elected, and though they often 
have great influence, they are in theory, only primus 
inter pares, and are liable at any time to be displaced. 
Practically they often remain in office for years, and 
are greatly respected. 

Where the Angamis came from must be uncertain 
till the languages of our Eastern frontier are scientifi- 
cally analysed. The late Mr. Damant, a man of 
great talent and powers of research, had a valuable 
paper regarding them in hand, but it perished in 
the insurrection of 1879. The probability is, that 
they came originally from the south-eastern corner 
of Thibet. 

Some of the Maories of New Zealand reminded me 
of the Angamis. The well-defined nose is a prominent 
characteristic of the last, as it is of some of the in- 
habitants of Polynesia. The people of Samagud- 
ting — that is, the adults in 1874 — told me that they 
had come from the north-east, and were the seventh 
generation that had been there. "When they first 
occupied their village, the site was, they said, covered 
with the bones and tusks of elephants which had 
come there to die. 

Had I lived longer among the Nagas, I should 
have liked to have made deeper researches into their 
language and past history; as it was, all my time 
was taken up with my active duties, and I had not 
a moment to spare. 

Their dress is a short kilt of black cotton cloth, 
ornamented, in the case of warriors, with rows of 
cowrie shells. They have handsome cloths of dark 
blue and yellow thrown over their shoulders in cold 



LIFE FOE LIFE. 29 

weather. Their arms are spears and heavy ^ short 
swords, called by the Assamese name of dao ; helmets 
and shields of wicker work (used chiefly to cover the 
more vulnerable parts of the body) and sometimes 
clothed with skins of tigers or bears. They have 
also tails of wood decorated with goats' hair dyed 
red. The warspears are plain ; the ornamental ones 
are covered with goats' hair dyed red^ and are 
sometimes used in battle. Their drill is of a most 
complicated style, and requires much practice. An 
Angami in full war paint is a very formidable- 
looking individual. They are divided into many 
clans. Several clans often inhabit one village, and 
it frequently happened that two clans thus situated 
were at deadly feud with each other. 

Blood feuds were common among all the hill 
tribes, but the system was carried to excess among 
the Angamis. Life for life was the rule, and until 
each of the opposing parties had lost an equal 
number, peace was impossible, and whenever 
members of one village met any belonging to the 
other, hostilities were sure to result. Sometimes an 
attempt was made to bring about a reconciliation, 
but then it frequently happened that the number of 
slain to the credit of each were unequal. Mozuma 
and Sephema might be at war, and Mozuma killed 
five, whereas Sephema had killed only four. 
Sephema says, "I must kill one more to make the 
balance, then I will treat for peace," so war con- 
tinues. Some day Sephema has a chance, but kills 
two instead of the one that was required ; this gives 
her the advantage, and Mozuma refuses to treat. 
So it goes on interminably. The position of a small 



30 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB. 

village at war with a large one, was often deplorable 
as no one dared to leave the village except under a 
strong escort. I once knew a case of some Sephema 
men at feud with Mozuma, hiring two Avomen of the 
powerful village of Konoma to escort them along the 
road as thus accompanied no one dare touch them. 

Once at Piphima, when my assistant Mr. Needham 
was encamped there, parties from two hostile vil- 
lages suddenly met each other and rushed to arms. 
He was equal to the occasion and stopped the 
combat. I made it a criminal offence to fight on our 
road called the " Political Path," and it was generally 
respected as neutral ground. 

No Angami could assume the "toga virilis," in 
this case the kilt ornamented with cowrie shells, 
already described, imtil he had slain an enemy, and 
in the more powerful villages no girl could marry a 
man unless he was so decorated. The cowrie orna- 
ments were taken off when a man was mourning the 
death of a relation. 

To kill a baby in arms, or a woman, was accounted 
a greater feat than killing a man, as it implied 
having penetrated to the innermost recesses of an 
enemy's country, whereas a man might be killed 
anywhere by a successful ambush. I. knew a man 
who had killed sixty women and children, when on 
one occasion he happened to come upon them after all 
the men had left the village on a hunting expedition. 

Every Naga who was able to murder an enemy 
did so, and received great commendation for it by 
all his friends. Later, when I was in Manipur, I 
.had a pleasant young fellow as interpreter. He 
often took my boys out for a walk when he had 



VILLAaEES. 31 

nothing else to do, and was a careful, trustworthy 
man. Once I asked him how many people he had 
killed (he wore the cowrie kilt, a sure sign he had 
killed some one). A modest blush suffused his face 
as if he did not like to boast of such a good deed, 
and he mildly said, "Two, a woman and a girl!" 

The Angamis when on friendly terms are an 
agreeable people to deal with, polite, courteous, and 
hospitable. I never knew any one take more pains 
or more successfully not to hurt the susceptibilities 
of those they are talking to, indeed they show a tact 
and good feeling worthy of imitation. My wife and 
I soon knew all the villagers well, and often visited 
them, when we were always offered beer, and asked 
to come into their verandahs and sit down, and just 
as we were leaving, our host would search the hen's 
nests to give us a few eggs. The beer we never 
took, but many Europeans like it and find it whole- 
some. It is made of rice and has rather a sharp 
taste. Their houses are large substantial structures 
built of wood and bamboo thatched with grass, and 
the eaves come low down. Houses with any pre- 
tensions always have verandahs. Besides the houses, 
there are granaries, often at a distance for fear of 
fire. The Angamis bury their dead in and about 
their villages, and for a time, decorate them with 
some of the belongings of the deceased. Naturally 
tbey strongly object to the graves being disturbed, 
and in making alterations I was careful not to hurt 
their feelings. 

The more powerful villages in the interior of the 
hills have a large area of cultivation on terraces cut 
out of the hillside, and carefully irrigated. Some of 



32 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

the terraces go up the hillsides to a great height, 
and show considerable skill in their formation. On 
these terraces lowland rice is grown and is very- 
productive. Some of the smaller outlying villages 
like Samagudting have only ordinary hill cultiva- 
tion, where upland rice is grown. The terrace land 
used to be greatly valued, and was often sold at 
prices equal to £22 to £25 per acre ! 

The Angamis, in common with most hill-tribes 
that I have come across, have a vague indefinite 
belief in a supreme being, but look on him as too 
great and good to injure them. They believe them- 
selves also to be subject to the influence of evil 
spirits, whom it is their constant endeavour to 
appease by sacrifices. Every misfortune is, as a 
rule, ascribed to evil spirits, and much money is 
spent on appeasing them, the usual way being to 
offer fowls, of which the bead, feet, and entrails are 
offered to the demon, with many incantations. The 
other parts are eaten by the sacrificer. 

All kinds of animals are readily eaten by the 
Angamis, and those dying a natural death are not 
rejected. Dogs' flesh is highly esteemed. When 
a man wants to have a delicate dish, he starves his 
dog for a day to make him unusually voracious, and 
then cooks a huge dish of rice on which he feeds the 
hungry beast. As soon as the dog has eaten his 
fill, he is knocked on the head and roasted, cut up 
and divided, and the rice being taken out, is con- 
sidered the bonne houche. The Manipur dogs are 
regularly bred for sale to the hill-tribes, Nagas 
included, and a portion of the bazaar, or market, 
used to be allotted to them. I have seen a string of 



NAaA CUSTOMS. 33 

nineteen dogs being led away to be strangled. 
Poor things, tbey seemed to realise that all was not 
well. 

The Naga women are not handsome but very 
pleasant-looking, and many of the girls are pretty, 
but soon age with the hard toil they have to per- 
form ; working in the fields and carrying heavy 
loads up endless hills. They have plenty of spirit 
and can generally hold their own. They do not 
marry .till they are nearly or quite grown up. 
Divorce can be easily obtained when there is an 
equal division of goods. Often a young man takes 
advantage of this, and marries a rich old widow, and 
soon divorces her, receiving half her property, when 
he is in a position to marry a nice young girl. The 
tribal name of the An^ami Nagas is " Tengima." 
Naga is a name given''' by the inhabitants of the 
plains, and in the Assamese language means 
" naked." As some of the Naga tribes are seen 
habitually in that state, the name was abitrarily 
applied to them all. It is the greatest mistake to 
connect them with the snake worshippers, " Nag 
Bungsees " of India. Neither Nagas or Manipuris, 
or any tribes on the eastern frontier, are addicted to 
this worship, or have any traditions connected with 
it, and any snake, cobra (Nag) or otherwise, would 
receive small mercy at their hands. The slightest 
personal acquaintance with the Assamese and their 
language, would have dispelled this myth for ever. 

The Nagas are skilful iron-workers and turn out 
very handsome spears. Their women weave sub- 
stantial and pretty coloured cloths, and every man 
knows enough of rough carpentering to enable him 

D 



34 MY EXPEEIENCBS IN MANIPUR. 

to build bis bouse, and make pestles and mortars for 
busking rice. Tbey make rougb pottery, but with- 
out the potter's wbeel. 

After Grhumbeer Singb's Expedition, our next 
dealings witb tbe Augamis were in 1833, wben 
Lieut. Grordon, adjutant of the Manipur Levy, ac- 
companied tbe Eajab of Manipur witb a large force 
of Manipuris into tbe Angami bills. On this 
occasion, Kobima and other villages were subdued, 
as already stated, and an annual tribute exacted 
by Manipur. 

So far as tbe British territories were cdncerned, 
Naga raids went on as usual, but nothing was done 
till early in January 1839, when Mr. Grrange, sub- 
Assistant Commissioner of tbe Nowgong District, 
was despatcbed witb a detachment of tbe First Assam 
Sebundies (now 43rd Groorkba Light Infantry), fifty 
men of the Cachar Infantry, and some Shan Militia, 
witb orders to try and repress these annual outrages. 
His expedition was ill supplied, but fortunately 
returned without any severe losses. His route lay 
through North Cachar to Berrimeb ; thence, vid 
Razepima to Samagudting and Mobung Deejood ; 
beyond gaining local knowledge there was no result, 
except perhaps to show that a well-armed party 
could march where it liked through the hills. 

In December 1839, Mr. Gi-range again visited tbe 
bills, and, excepting 1843, an expedition was sent 
into tbe bills every year till 1846 wben a post was 
permanently established at Samagudting. None of 
these expeditions bad any really satisfactory result.. 
The Angamis submitted to our troops at tbe time, 
and directly we retreated, murder and tbe carrying 



HILL WAEPAEE. 35 

off of slaves re-commenced. The establishment of the 
post at Samagudting had the effect of improving our 
relations with the people of that village ; and Moznma 
was always inclined to be friendly ; beyond this 
nothing was accomplished. 

In August 1849, Bog Chand Darogal, a brave 
Assamese who was in charge of Samagudting, was 
murdered by one of the clans of Mozuma, owing to 
the rash way in which he interfered in a dispute with 
another clan, which latter remaind faithful to us, 
and thus led to another expedition on a large scale. 
Finally, in December 1850, a large force was sent 
up' with artillery. Kohima, which had sent a 
challenge, was destroyed on February 11th, 1851. 
In this last engagement over three hundred Nagas 
were killed, and our prestige thoroughly established. 
We might then, witb great advantage to the people 
and our own districts, have occupied a permanent 
post, and while protecting our districts that had 
suffered so sorely from Naga raids, have spread 
civilisation far and wide among the hill-tribes. Of 
course we did nothing of the kind ; on such occasions 
the Grovernment of India always does the wrong 
thing; it was done now, and, instead of occupying 
a new position, we retreated, even abandoning our 
old post at Samagudting, and only maintaining a 
small body of Shan Militia at Dimapur. The Nagas 
ascribed out retreat to fear, the periodical raids on 
our unfortunate villages were renewed, and unheeded 
by us ; and finally, in 1856, we withrew the detach- 
ment from Dimapur and abandoned the post. 

After that, the Nagas ran riot, and one outrage 
after another was committed. In 1862 the guard 

D 2 



36 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

and village of Borpathar were attacked and, one 
Sepoy and thirteen villagers killed and two children 
carried off as slaves, but no notice was taken ; it was 
not till 1866 that, wearied out by repeated outrages 
and insults, we determined to establish ourselves in 
the hills, and once for all put down raiding. 

A kind of vague boundary between Manipur and 
the Naga Hills had been laid down in 1842, by 
Lieutenant Biggs on our part, and Captain Gordon 
on the part of the Durbar, but in 1851, when 
utterly sick of Naga affairs, we determined on a 
policy of non-intervention, permission in writing 
was given to the Durbar to extend its authority over 
the Naga villages on our side of the border. This 
must be remembered later on. Failing any intention 
on our part to annex the hills, it would have been 
good policy to have re-organised the Manipur terri- 
tory, and to have aided the Maharajah to annex 
and subdue as much as he could under certain restric- 
tions. Had this been done we should have saved 
ourselves much trouble. Personally, I would rather 
see the Naga Hills properly administered by ourselves, 
but the strong rule of Manipur would have been far 
better than the state of things that prevailed for 
many years after 1851. 



( 37 ) 



CHAPTER ly. 

Valuo of keeping a promise — Episode of Sallajee— Protection given to 
small villages, and the large ones defied — "Thorough Government 
of India" views — A plea for Christian education in the Naga Hills. 

Almost from the day I took charge, I let it be 
known that I was, as natives say, " a man of one 
word," and that if I said a thing, I meant it. If I 
promised a thing, whether a present or punishment, 
the man got it ; and if I refused any request, months 
of importunity would not move me. This rule saved 
me much time and worry ; instead of being pestered 
for weeks with some petition, in the hope that my 
patience would be worn out, I simply said Yes, or 
No, and the people soon learned that my decision 
was final. Later on, during the Naga Hills cam- 
paign, I found that my ways had not been forgotten, 
and this made dealing with the people much simpler 
than it might have been. 

A certain number of the villages kept one or two 
men, as the case might be, constantly in attendance on 
me to represent them. These were called delegates, 
and received ten rupees each per mensem. I gave the 
strictest orders to these men not to engage in their 
tribal raids, but to remain absolutely neutral. 
Sephema had two delegates, Sejile and Sallajee by 
fiame, and, one day, it was reported to me that the 



38 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

last had joined in a raid by his village on Mozuma, 
and I instantly summoned him to attend and put him 
on his trial for disobeying a lawful order. Some wise- 
acres in the place shook their heads, and doubted if 
1 were strong enough to punish, or the ad visibility of 
doing so ; tut I held that an order must be obeyed, 
otherwise, it was no use issuing orders, also, that this 
was an opportunity of making an example. Of 
course it was an experiment, as no one had been 
punished before for a similar offence, and I well knew 
that resistance on his part would mean that to assert 
my authority I must attack and destroy Sephema, 
but I felt the time had come for vigorous action, and 
was prepared to go through with it. I tried Sallajee, 
found him guilty, and sentenced him to six months' 
imprisonment in Tezpore jail. In giving judgment, 
I said, " You have not been guilty of a disgraceful 
offence, therefore, I do not sentence you to hard 
labour, and shall not have you bound or handcuffed 
like a thief; but, remember, you cannot escape me, so 
do not be foolish enough to run away from the man 
in charge of you." I then sent him in charge of two 
police sepoys through one hundred miles of forest, 
and he underwent his imprisonment without at- 
tempting to get away. Eight thankful I was that 
my experiment succeeded. Sallajee lived to fight 
against us, during the campaign in the Naga Hills in 
1879-80. 

The orders of the Grovernment of India were 
strictly against our responsibilities being extended. 
We took tribute from Samagudting, but it was the 
only village we considered as under our direct rule, 
and that only so long as it suited us. Before leaving 



WEAK POLICY. 39 

Calcutta, the Foreign Secretary said to me emphati- 
cally, when I urged an extension of our sway — " but 
those villages (the Angami Nagas) are not British 
territory, and we do not want to extend the 'red 
line.' " 

However, Grovernment may lay down rules, but as 
long as they are not sound, they cannot be kept to 
by artificial bonds, and sooner or later events prove 
stronger than theories. The fact is, that no Grovern- 
ment of late years had ever interested itself in the 
Eastern Frontier tribes, except so far as to coax them 
or bribe them to keep quiet. The Abors on the 
banks of the Burrhampooter had long been paid 
" blackmail," and any subterfuge was resorted to, that 
would stave off the day of reckoning which was 
nevertheless inevitable. 

As regards the Nagas, this timidity was highly 
reprehensible. We had acquired such a prestige, 
that the least sign of vigorous action on our part was 
sure to be crowned with success, so long as we did 
not make some foolish mistake. 

The people in the hills knew that we objected to 
the system of raiding, and could not understand why, 
such being the case, we did. not put it down, and 
ascribed our not doing so to weakness, wherein they 
were right, and inability wherein they were wrong. 
The less powerful villages would at any time have 
been glad of our protection, and one of the most 
powerful — Mozuma, was anxious to become subject 
to us. Offers of submission had been made once or 
twice, but no one liked to take the responsibility of 
going against the policy and orders of the Grovern- 
ment. At last an event occurred which brought 



40 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

things to a crisis, and forced us either to adopt a 
strong policy, or make ourselves conteroptible by a 
confession of weakness, and indifference. 

Towards the end of March 1874, a Reputation 
came to me from the village of Mi^z^nar begging 
for protection against Mozuma, with/whom ttey had 
a feud, and from whom for some 'ffeason or other 
they daily expected an attack. Tfcfey ■offered to 
become British subjects and pay revenue in return 
for protection. I considered the matter carefully, 
and before I had given my decision, crowds of old 
people, and women carrying their children, came in 
asking me to save their lives. I at once decided to 
grant their request, and promised them what they 
asked, on condition that they paid up a year's tribute 
in advance. This they at once did, and I immedi- 
ately sent a messenger to proclaim to Mozuma that 
the people of Mezeffina were British subjects, and to 
threaten them or any one else with dire vengeance 
if they dared to lay hands on them. Our new sub- 
jects asked me and my wife, to go out and receive 
their submission in person, an invitation which we 
accepted, and next day a large number of men 
turned up to carry my wife, and our baggage, and 
that of our escort, consisting of twenty men. 

The MezefBna men rested for the night in 
Samagudting, and early on the following morning 
we started, and reached the village in good time, 
where we were received with great demonstrations 
of respect. We spent the night there, and then were 
conveyed back to Samagudting, after a very pleasant 
visit. 

I did not underrate the grave responsibility thg,t I 



EXTENSION OF ERITISH EULE. 41 

incurred in going against the policy of Government, 
but I felt it was utterly impossible that I, as their 
representative, could quietly stand by, and see a 
savage massacre perpetrated, within sight of our 
station of Samagudting. There is no doubt that 
this would have speedily followed had I sent the 
people away without acceding to their wishes. Of 
course, I might have used my influence with Mozuraa 
to prevent a raid in this particular instance, but that 
would have heeii giving protection, and, I argued, if 
we give protection, let us get a little revenue to help 
to pay for it. Why should all the advantage be 
on one side ? Besides a half-and-half policy would 
never have succeeded. " Thorough " should be the 
motto of all who deal with savage and half-civilised 
races ; a promise to refer to Government is of little 
avail when people are thinking of each other's blood. 
Action, immediate action, is what is required. A 
failure to realise this, brought on later the Mozuma 
expedition of 1877-78, in which a valuable officer 
lost his life. 

Besides the obvious objections I have pointed out, 
any attempt to make terms in favour of one village 
'after another by negotiations with their adversaries, 
would have involved us in so many complications, 
that it would probably have ended in a combination 
against us. 

I reported the matter to Government, and before I 
could receive any answer, the village of Sitekima 
which had a feud with Sephema came in and asked 
for the same favour to be accorded to it, as had been 
granted to Mezeffina. I accordingly took them over 
on the same terms, and again issued a proclamation. 



42 MY EXPEEIBNCES IN MANIPUR. 

calling on all people to respect tbeir rights as British 
subjects. 

Soon after I heard from the Chief Commissioner 
of Assam, directing me to take over no more villages 
without a reference. However, this could not be, 
there was no telegraph in those days, and the tide in 
favour of asking for our protection had set in in 
earnest, and must be taken at the flood. " Vestigia 
nulla retrorsum " there was no retreat ; and having 
acted according to my judgment for the best interests 
of the State, I felt bound to take further responsi- 
bility on myself, Avhen necessary. Accordingly when 
the little village of Phenina applied for protection 
and offered revenue, I at once acceded, and accepted 
their allegiance as British subjects, with the result 
that they were left in peace by their powerful 
neighbours, and had no more anxiety as to their 
safety. Phenina was followed by several other 
villages, to whom I granted the same terms. 

The Mozuma Nagas were always an intelligent set 
of men, and liked to be in the forefront of any 
movement. Seeing the part that other villages were 
taking, they came forward and offered to pay 
revenue, if we would establish a guard of police in 
their village, and set up a school for their children 
to attend. This was a question involving a consider- 
able expenditure of money, and as they were not in 
need of protection, I felt that I could not accede to 
their request without further reference, but I sent on 
the proposal to Government with a strong recom- 
mendation that it should be adopted. The consi- 
deration of it was put off for a time, and when 
very tardily my recommendation was accepted, the 



RELIGIOUS EDUCATION. 43 

Mozuma people had, as I predicted, changed their 
minds. Such cases are of constant occurrence. 
When will our rulers take the story of the Sibylline 
books to heart ? 

The question of education generally, was one that 
greatly interested me, my success in Keonjhur * in 
the tributary Mehals of Orissa, where I had intro- 
duced schools, having been very great. In combina- 
tion with other suggestions, I strongly urged the 
advisability of establishing a regular system of 
education, including religious instruction, under a 
competent clergyman of the Church of England. I 
pointed out that the Nagas had no religion ; that 
they were highly intelligent and capable of receiving 
civilisation ; that with it they would want a religion, 
and that we might just as well give them our own, 
and make them in that way a source of strength^ by 
thus mutually attaching them to us. Failing this, 
I predicted that, following the example of other hill- 
tribes, they would sooner or later become debased 
Hindoos or Mussulmans, and in the latter case, as 
we knew by experience, be a constant source of 
trouble and annoyance, Mussulman converts in 
Assam and Eastern Bengal, being a particularly 
disagreeable and bigoted set. My suggestion did 
not find favour with the authorities, and I deeply 
regret it. A fine, interesting r£^e like the Angamis, 
might, as a Christian tribe, occupy a most useful 
position on our Eastern Frontier, and I feel strongly 

* As Assist-sup. of the tributary Mehals, Sir James (then Lieutenant) 
Johnstone endowed schools at Keonjhur and presented the Government 
with some land he had bought for the purpose. When the Eajah, during 
whose minority he had managed the affairs of Keonjhur as political 
officer, came of age, the agency was abolithed for economy. — Ed. 



44 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

that we are not justified in allowing tliem to be 
corrupted and gradually " converted" by the miser- 
able, bigoted, caste-observing Mussulman of Bengal, 
men who have not one single good quality in 
common with the manly Afghans, and other real 
Mussulman tribes. I do not like to think it, but, 
unless we give the Nagas a helping hand in time, 
such is sure to be their fate, and we shall have our- 
selves to thank when they are utterly corrupted. 

The late General Dalton, O.S.I., when Commis- 
sioner of Chota Nagpure, did his utmost to aid 
Christian Mission among the wild Kols ; his argu- 
ment being like mine, that they wanted a religion, 
and that were they Christians, they would be a 
valuable counterpoise in time of trouble to the vast 
non-Christian population of Behar. In the same way 
it cannot be doubted, that a large population of 
Christian hill-men between Assam and Burmah, 
would be a valuable prop to the State. Properly 
taught and judiciously handled, the Angamis would 
have made a fine manly set of Christians, of a type 
superior to most Indian native converts, and pro- 
bably devoted to our rule. As things stand at 
present, I fear they will be gradually corrupted and 
lose the good qualities, which have made them 
attractive in the past, and that, as time goes on, 
unless some powerful counter influence is brought to 
bear on them, they will adopt the vile, bigoted type of 
Mahommedanism prevalent in Assam and Cachar, and 
instead of becoming a tower of strength to us, be a per- 
petual weakness and source of annoyance. I earnestly 
hope that I may be wrong, and that their future may 
be as bright a one as I could wish for them. 



( 45 ) 



CHAPTER V. 

Dimapur — A terrible storm — Cultivation — Aggression hj Konoma — My 
ultimatum — Konoma submits — Birtb of a son — Forest flowers — A 
fever patient — Proposed change of station — Leave Naga Hills — March 
through the forest — Depredation by tigers — Calcutta — ^Eeturn to 
England. 

Once more before the weather began to be un- 
pleasantly hot, we went down to Dimapur that I 
might inspect the road and a rest house being built 
at Nowkatta, Dimapur though hot, was pleasant 
enough in the evening, when I used to row my wife 
about on the large tank in a canoe which just held 
us both. We could see a few feet below the surface, 
the remains of the post set up when a tank is 
dedicated to the deity. This post is usually many 
feet above the water, but here it had rotted away 
from age. On a tree close to the rest house I shot a 
chestnut- coloured flying squirrel. 

One sultry afternoon I rode out alone to Nowkatta. 
About half-way I was stopped by a sudden storm, 
one of the most terrific I have ever seen ; the wind 
howled through the forest, and the trees swayed to 
and fro literally like blades of grass. As the storm 
increased, trees were torn up by the roots right and 
left, and some that were very firmly rooted were 
shattered in pieces. Many of these trees were 80 to 
120 feet in height, and large in proportion, but the 



46 MT EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

wind was so high that I never heard ,the sound of 
the crash. I hardly expected to escape being crushed 
by a falling tree, and nothing but the extreme 
activity of my pony, a little Manipuri, saved me. I 
was at length enabled to get on to Nowkatta, but as 
I returned, I had much difficulty in making my way 
through the masses of fallen trees which formed an 
obstacle often six feet in height, and I could only 
pass them by penetrating the dense underwood, and 
riding round one end. 

I returned to Dimapur later than I expected and 
drenched by the soaking rain. Next day we went 
back to Samagudting very glad to be again in a 
cooler atmosphere. We both paid for our visit to 
the lowlands in a sharp attack of intermittent i'ever. 
Luckily, my wife speedily recovered ; but it told on 
my system, already saturated with malaria and was 
the forerunner of constant attacks. 

Except for its unhealthiness, Dimapur was a nice 
place, and, if properly opened out^ and cultivated, 
the country would be far more salubrious. For this 
reason I advocated families being induced to settle 
there as cultivators ; and I had a scheme for estab- 
lishing a Police Militia Eeserve in that district. I 
thought that a certain number of the Naga Hills 
police might with advantage be discharged every 
year and enlisted as reserve m.en, liable to serve 
when needed in case of trouble; a reduced rate of 
pay to be given to each man, and a grant of land to 
cultivate. I believe the svstem would have worked 
well, but it was not sanctioned. 

An incident occurred in the month of August 
which might have proved serious. A native of a 



NAGA DISPUTES. 47 

Kutcha Naga village within sight of Samagudting 
came to complain that, while gathering wild tea-seed 
for sale, hp had been driven off by a Konoma Naga. 
Konoma, though not the most populous village, had 
long been considered the most powerful and warlike 
in the hills, and a threat from one of its members 
was almost a sentence of death to a man from a weak 
village. The Merema clan also, one of the worst 
in the hills for lawless deeds, had never made its 
submission to Captain Butler, though it had on one 
occasion to his predecessor. On hearing the man's 
complaint, I at once sent off a message by a Naga 
calling upon the chiefs of Konoma to come in to me, 
!xnd also to cease molesting their neighbours ; but the 
man returned, saying that they refused to come in, 
and intended to do as they liked with the tea-seed, 
as it was theirs. This was more than I could put 
up with, and I selected a particularly trustworthy 
man, a naik (corporal) in the police named Kurum 
Singh,* who knew the Naga language, and would, 
I was convinced, speak out fearlessly, and deliver my 
message. I sent him off at once to Konoma to call 
upon the head-men to come in without delay, and 
make their humble submission to me within a day 
and a half of receiving the summons, failing which 
I would attack and destroy their village. Kurum 
Singh left, and I felt rather anxious, as Konoma 
contained five times as many warriors as I had 
police all told, and it occupied a strong position ; 
however, I felt I had done my duty. It was a great 
satisfaction when Kurum Singh returned, saying 
that the chiefs were coming in, and they did so 

* I rewarded Kurum, and he distinguished himself later on. 



48 MY EXPEKIBNOES IlT MANIPUE. 

within the stipulated time, and made their submis- 
sion and presented me with a large state spear as a 
token of it. They also humbly apologised and 
promised never to molest that Kutcha Naga village 
again ; and when I spolie of the Queen, begged me 
to write to her and say, that she must not believe 
any idle tales against the Konoma men, as they 
would ' be her humble ' servants. It • was a satis- 
factory ending to what might have been a trouble- 
some business. The state spear now ornaments 
my hall. 

On the 23rd June, my wife presented me with a 
son, and he being the first child of pure European 
parentage born in the hills, the Nagas of Samagud- 
ting took great interest in the baby, and old Yatsold 
the Peumah, said he should be their chief and named 
him " Naga Rajah." The friendly women and girls 
from the village constantly came to see him. We 
liked the hills and the people, aud the work so much 
that we both felt we could willingly have passed our 
lives among them. All the same, our accommodation 
was really most wretched, and food was bad and 
scarce, and water scarcer. As the rainy season 
advanced the place grew more and more unhealthy, 
and having a baby to attend to, my wife never left 
Samagudting. I continued to go down to Dimapur 
occasionally, and sometimes rode out with my friend 
Needham to inspect the path that was being cut to 
Mohung Deejood and a rest house being built at a 
place in the forest on that road, called Borsali. It 
was pleasant to have a companion during a long 
lonely ride. Needham was an indefatigable worker, 
and always ready for a dash. He made a capital 




FuLPORD Hall. 



iPage 48. 






^l.M.t 



A NAGA INVALID. 49 

frontier officer, and has since greatly distinguished 
himself on the N.-E. Frontier. 

Towards the end of August, the Vauda Ceerulea 
orchids began to come into flower. There was a 
magnificent plant of them in a large old tree on the 
summit of the hill, indeed the most splendid specimen 
of their kind that I ever saw ; but wild flowers, many 
really beautiful, were generally procurable, especially 
a small snow-white flower rather like a periwinkle 
that grew in the jungle on a small ever-green bush. 
Ferns, including maidenhair, were very plentiful, 
and we made collections of them in our morning and 
evening walks. These walks often led us past stray 
huts, and once my wife was asked to come into one 
and prescribe for a sick Naga woman. We both 
entered it and finding that the woman .had fever, we 
told her husband to keep her cool and quiet, and 
promised some medicine. When we again went to 
see her, the hut, about nine feet by seven feet in size, 
was full of little fires on the floor, over which several 
Nagas ^vere drying strips of flesh from an elephant 
that had been killed a few miles away. The 
temperature must have been about 110 degrees, so 
little wonder that the poor woman was no better. 
The husband said she would not take her medicine, 
and when in our presence he attempted to give it 
she hit him on the head ; yet he wore the warrior's 
kilt, so had taken at least one life. When my wife 
sat down by her and gave her the medicine she took 
it readily. Towards the end of the rainy season 
many were laid low by fever. Natives of other 
parts of India until thoroughly acclimatised, suffer 
greatly from the diseases peculiar to jungle districts, 



50 MY EXPEEIENCBS IN MANIPUE. 

and our servants were not exceptions to the rule. 
Once acclimatised, a Hindoostani seems able to stand 
anything. It used to be said in my regiment, 
the 1st Assam Light Infantry Battalion, now 42nd, 
that Hindoostani recruits spent their first three years' 
service in hospital ! I am sure that something of 
the same kind might have been said of tho^e who 
came to the Naga Hills before the headquarters were 
removed to Kohima. 

Captain Butler, recognising the unsuitableness of 
Samagudting for a station, had recommended the re- 
moval of the headquarters to Woka, in the Lotah Naga 
country, and about sixty-three miles from Kohima. 
I spoke to him on the subject, and pointed out the 
superior advantages of Kohima as a central position, 
dominating the Angami Naga country. He quite 
agreed with me, but said he had advocated Woka as 
being nearer the plains, nearer water carriage, and 
altogether a more comfortable situation, especially 
for the officers. I went into the whole subject most 
carefully, and before leaving the Naga Hills I 
thought it right to record my opinion in a memo- 
randum to the Grovernment of Assam. This I did, 
pointing out as forcibly as I could the very superior 
advantages of Kohima, and urging most strongly 
that it should be adopted as our headquarters 
station in the Naga Hills. As I was only the 
officiating agent, I could not expect my views to 
carry as much weight as Captain Butler's, but 
convinced as I was, I was bound to state them. The 
question was not settled for some years when 
Kohima was the site selected, and it has ever since 
been the headquarters station. 



A ROUGH JOURNEY. 51 

I had never got over the attack of fever I had in 
April, and as the rainy season advanced, and we 
were for days together enveloped in mist, I had 
constant attacks, with other complications, and as 
Captain Butler was coming out in November, and 
the doctor strongly recommended me to go to 
England again, I determined to apply for leave. 
My friend Needham had gone on leave to Shillong, 
so I could not think of starting till he returned. He 
was due at Samagudting early in November, and I 
prepared to leave then. It was with most sincere 
regret that we made arrangements for starting. 
"We had got used to the discomforts of the place and 
had been very happy there and liked the people, and 
felt that they liked us ; the cold weather too was 
just beginning and everything around us looked 
beautiful. 

I had determined to march straight through the 
forest to Doboka, and thence take boat down the 
Kullung river to Gowhatty. It was a dreadful 
march to undertake, along a mere track untraversed 
by any European for years, but my wife liked the 
idea of it, and it was shorter than the route vid 
Nigriting. On November 6th, we reluctantly said 
" good-bye " to all our kind friends at Samagudting 
and marched to Dimapur, where we halted next day 
to get all our things into order. Some of the chiefs 
of Samagudting accompanied us so far on our way 
and bade us a sorrowful adieu on the 7th. One old 
fellow took quite an affectionate farewell of our baby 
Dick. When I saw him again in 1879, he was blind, 
and one of his pretty little girls was dying. 

We marched through dense forest on the 8th to 

E 2 



52 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

Borsali, my wife riding and carrying tlie baby in 
lier arms, there being no other mode of progression 
along such a bad road. On the 9th after seven 
hours' actual marching, we reached Mohung Deejood, 
a place prettily situated on the banks of the Jumoona 
river with the last speck of the Eengma Hills 
standing out in high relief behind the village, but at 
some distance from it. Next day we again had a 
tiring march of eleven hours, including a halt for 
breakfast at a place called " Silbheta " where there 
are splendid waterfalls, and did not reach our 
halting place, Bokuleea, till 6 p.m. The last two 
marches had been through a country devastated by 
tigers which had literally eaten up the population ; 
each day we passed deserted village sites. At 
Bokuleea we made rafts and floated down the river 
to Doboka, which we reached on November 13th. 

Doboka is situated close to the hill of the same 
name and was a prominent object from Samagudting. 
There we took boats, and travelled in them down 
the Kullung river. We reached the junction with 
the Burrhampooter at daybreak on November 17th, 
and Growhatty at midday. I was most thankful to 
see my wife and child safe in the Dak Bungalow 
after what was for delicate people a perilous journey, 
though an interesting and enjoyable one, through a 
country hardly ever traversed by European officials, 
and never by women and children. After a few 
days at Gowhatty to rest ourselves, we departed 
by steamer for Groalundo, arriving there early on 
November 29th, and immediately left for Calcutta, 
which we reached the same evening and went to 
stay with our kind friends the Elvers Thompsons, 



EBTURN TO ENGLAND. 53 

with whom we had travelled out to India in 1873. 
Grlad as we were to be in civilised quarters once 
more after all our wanderings, we could not help 
regretting the kindly genial people we had left, and 
the beautiful scenery of the forest and mountain 
land, where we had lived so long and so happily. 

On arrival in Calcutta, I went before the Medical 
Board, but not liking to go to England again so 
soon, I applied for three months' leave to visit the 
North- West Provinces for change of air, and we 
visited Benares, Lucknow, Cawnpore, and other 
towns. I do not attempt to describe them, as it has 
been often done by abler pens than mine. The after 
symptoms of malaria increased, and it was vain to 
prolong my stay in India in the hope of a cure. 
The Medical Board said my appearance was sufficient 
without examination, so we left Calcutta by the next 
steamer, going by " long sea " to avoid the fatiguing 
journey across India to Bombay. After unusually 
rough weather in the Mediterranean and off the 
coast of Spain, we landed at Southampton, on 
March 9th, at 9 p.m., and went on to London next 
morning. 



54 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Betum to India — Attached to Foreign OfiSce — Imperial assemblage at 
Delhi — Almorah — ^Appointed to Manipur — Journey to Shillong — 
Cherra Poojee — Colonel McCulloch — Question of ceremony. 

Malaria, and all the evils that follow in its train, 
are more easily acquired than got rid of. Possibly 
two years in England, including four visits to Carls- 
bad, which high medical authorities seem to consider, 
and very justly, a sine qud non, might give a man a 
good chance if he never again visited a malarious 
district, otherwise, my own experience shows me 
that two years are nothing. Every time I have 
gone before a Medical Board in London, preparatory 
to returning to duty, their last charge has been, 
" You must never again go to a malarious district ! " 
Medical Boards propose, and Government and cir- 
cumstances dispose. 

I stayed at home in a high and healthy part of 
the Midlands, and left for India again in October. 
I arrived in Calcutta in November, where I again 
suffered from malarious symptoms ; but I soon got 
better, and was attached to the Foreign Office, at my 
own request, extra attaches being required for the 
Imperial Assemblage. 

I had the good fortune to see the whole of that 
gorgeous pageant, the like of which this generation 



THE VICEEOY'S aUESTS. 55 

will probably never witness again, under the most 
favourable auspices ; and though. I had on an 
average eighteen hours' work out of each twenty- 
four, I was well repaid by being able to take part 
in it. I met many old friends, and also became 
acquainted with Salar Jung, Maharajahs Scindiah and 
Holkar, Sir Dinkur Eao, Madhava Rao, and several 
other now historical celebrities. The Viceroy's 
reception-tent at night was a. grand sight, filled 
with gallant soldiers, European and native, and 
great statesmen. 

Among the new arrivals was the Khan of Khelat, 
an intelligent but savage-looking chief, with eyes all 
about him. I was being constantly deputed to carry 
polite messages from the Viceroy to diiferent chiefs 
and celebrities and to meet them at the railway 
stations. Among those whom I met were the envoy 
from the Chief of Muscat, also the Siamese Ambas- 
sador and his suite, a highly intelligent and sensible 
set of men. I remember well the rough-and-ready 
way in which the younger Siamese officers looked 
after their luggage and effects. They were provided 
with a handsome set of tents, and all dined together 
at one table in European fashion, in the most 
civilised way, with the British officer attached to 
them. 

I stayed at Delhi till the assemblage broke up, 
and after a few days in Calcutta with the Foreign 
Office, went to Bombay to meet my wife, who, with 
our two boys, arrived there on February 2 ad. We 
at once set out on our way to Almorah in the 
Himalayas, where I was permitted to reside for a 
year and compile Foreign Office records. 



56 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

We were delayed at Moradabad for a few days, as 
the passes were covered with snow. At last we 
started, and found Nynee Tal deep in snow, and the 
lake frozen. Next day we marched across the track 
of an avalanche, and the following afternoon reached 
the Almorah Dak Bungalow, or rest house. The 
ground was covered with snow, and the cold intense, 
the bungalow draughty and very uncomfortable. 
After a few days we got into a house, which Sir 
H. Ramsey, who was then out on duty in the district, 
had kindly taken for us, and I dived deep into my 
records, consisting of early documents relating to 
Assam and the Singpho tribes. 

As the weather grew warmer, Almorah became 
very pleasant. I pined for active work, but our stay 
here gave my wife experience in the mode of life in 
India, for which she was afterwards very thankful, 
and she obtained hints on housekeeping subjects 
from other ladies, which were a help to her later on. 
Life in the Naga Hills was of course very different 
to what it is in more civilised parts of India. 

The Foreign Office had my name down in their 
list for an appointment. I could have gone to 
Manipur when I landed in Calcutta, but was not well 
enough. In July, I had a telegram to say that 
Lieut. Durand, who had lately been appointed, was 
ill, and must be relieved. "Would I go ? I at once 
replied in the affirmative, and off we started on 
July 16th. It was very short notice, but changing 
quarters at short notice is part of an Indian official's 
life, and the prospect of work was delightful to me. 
We had a trying journey down to Calcutta, as the 
rains had not begun in the North- West Provinces, 



JOURNEY TO ASSAM. 57 

and the heat was tremendous. However, we arrived 
none the worse for it, and stayed for a day or two 
with, our kind friends, the Medlicotts. 

As Colonel Keatinge, the Chief Commissioner of 
Assam, wished to see me before I went to Manipur, 
I was ordered to join at Shillong, so we proceeded 
by rail to Groalundo, one night's journey from 
Calcutta, and thence by river steamer to Chuttuk, 
on the Soorma, where we changed into country 
boats, and proceeded up a smaller river and across 
great jheels or shallow lakes, often passing for miles 
through bigh grass growing in tbe water, which 
hid us from everything, till we reached a place 
called Bholagunj, situated on a river rapidly be- 
coming narrower, where we again changed, this 
time into small canoes, the only conveyances that 
could take us up the rapids, with which the river 
abounds. 

Prom Chuttuk we had come through a country 
mostly covered with grass jungle, twelve to fifteen 
feet in height ; now we passed through forest 
scenery, very lovely fine trees, with festoons of 
creepers and flowers overhanging the stream. At 
last we reached Thuria Grhat, where the ascent of 
the hills commenced, and there we halted for the 
night in the Dak Bungalow, or rest house. Most 
places situated as Thuria Grhat is, would be deadly 
on account of malaria, but it seems to be an exception, 
and, as far as I have seen, healthy. 

Knowing the servant difficulties in the province 
of Assam, we had brought servants with us from 
Almorah, men who had implored us to take them-. 
When I consented to do so I voluntarily raised 



58 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

their wages from fifty to eighty per cent, above 
what they had been receiving, but with the exception 
of a Dhobee (washerman), and a bearer (a compound 
of housemaid and valet), they all became corrupted 
by the other servants they met at Shillong, and who 
spoke of Manipur in very disparaging terms, so 
before going farther I let them go, as they demanded 
an enormous increase of wages. 

The Dhobee Nunnoo, and the bearer Horna, stuck 
to me to the very last, and proved admirable ser- 
vants. It was fortunate that we had servants, as 
there were none at Thuria Grhat rest house ; as it 
was, we managed very well, and were prepared to 
march in the morning before the coolies were ready 
to take up our luggage. We had a tiring march up 
the hill to Cherra Poojee ; my wife and the children 
were in baskets on men's backs, but I was on foot 
and felt the march in the intense heat to be very 
fatiguing, though we halted to rest half-way. How- 
ever, when we reached the plateau of Cherra Poojee, 
4000 feet above Thuria Gh&t, the cool air speedily 
set me right, and we all enjoyed the scenery, hills, 
plains, waterfalls in abundance, deep valleys, and 
the lowlands of Sylhet, covered with water, as far 
as the eye could reach. We had a comfortable 
bungalow to rest in, and a cool night at last. 

Next day we marched to Moflung, 6000 feet above 
the sea, and then to Shillong, where for the next few 
days we were hospitably entertained by the Chief 
Commissioner, Colonel (now General) Keatinge, 
V.C, O.S.I., who kindly sent a carriage to meet us 
on the road. As Colonel Keatinge wished me to 
remain at Shillong for a time, and meet Mr. Carnegy, 



COLONEL MoCULLOCH. 59 

political officer in the Naga Hills, who was coming 
tliere later on, I arranged to stay, and took a house ; 
so we settled down comfortably till the early part of 
October — a very pleasant arrangement for us instead 
of facing the intense heat of the Cachar Valley in 
August. It gave me a good opportunity of looking 
over the records of the Chief Commissioner's ofiSce, 
where I found much relating to Manipur, but I fear 
that it was lost when the Record Office was burnt 
down some years ago, the copies also having been 
destroyed in Manipur during the rebellion of 1891. 
At last the day for leaving came, and we packed up 
our things and prepared once more to set off on our 
travels. 

Before leaving, I paid several visits to Colonel 
McCuIloch, who, since retiring from the service, had 
established himself at Shillong, and asked his advice 
on many points, and learned much from him regard- 
ing Manipur. He very kindly gave his opinion 
freely on all questions, telling me where some of my 
predecessors had failed, and pointing out the pitfalls 
to be avoided. He added to all his kindness by 
writing to the Maharajah, and telling him that, from 
what he had seen of me, he was sure it would be his 
fault if we did not get on together. 



60 ■ MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUH. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Start for Manipur — March over (jhe hills — Lovely scenery — View of the 
valleys — State reception — The Residency — Visitors. 

LowREMBA SuBADAR, an excellent old fellow, formerly 
in the service of Colonel McCullocli, was sent to 
Shillong to be in attendance on me, and of course to 
find out all he could about me and report the result. 
Before I left, he sent a note to the Maharajah of my 
requirements in the way of coolies, etc., for our long 
journey of ten days between Cachar and Manipur, 
and I also intimated that, as the representative of the 
British Government, and as one who well knew 
what was due to me as such, I should expect to be 
received with proper ceremony. 

This was a point on which I laid much stress, as 
my experience had taught me that in a native state 
so tenacious of its dignity and ancient customs as 
Manipur, my future success depended in a great 
measure on my scrupulously requiring all that I was 
entitled to, and as much more as I could get. It 
had been a complaint against one of my predecessors 
that he had been discourteous, and I determined that 
the Manipuris should not have to complain of me on 
that score, and in my letters I took care to be as 
courteous and considerate as possible. 



PROM SHILLONG TO CACHAE. 61 

Oil former occasions it had been the cuytom for a 
new political agent to enter the capital unattended, 
and to call on the Maharajah the next day, the latter 
repaying the visit a day later. This I did not con- 
sider sufficient, and I determined that he should come 
out to meet me in state. When Colonel McCulloch 
returned to Manipur the second time, this had been 
done. Colonel McCulloch being an old and intimate 
friend of the Maharajah. I quoted this as a pre- 
cedent. I tried in vain to get the Foreign Depart- 
ment to back up my request, but could not induce 
them to interfere on my behalf, so I took the 
responsibility on myself, and sent a formal demand 
to the Maharajah to send a high officer — a major 
commanding a regiment — to meet me on the road, 
and to meet me himself in state at a suitable distance 
from the capital. The result will be described. 

All being ready we left Shillong, my wife, nurse 
and children on men's backs as before, for Cherra 
Poojee, where we arrived the second day; thence, on 
the third day, we went to Thuria Grhat, on by boat 
vi& Bholagunj, to Sylhefc and Cachar. We reached 
Cachar on October 17th, after passing the historical 
fort of Budderpore, where a battle was fought with 
the Burmese in 1825, and settled down in the 
bungalow of our kind friend Major Boyd who was 
away. Our coolies arrived on October 18th, and we 
again packed our things and prepared to depart on 
our final march. 

We left Cachar for Manipur on October 20 th, my 
wife and the nurse and boys in " doolies," a kind of 
tray four feet long by two in width, with sides and 
ends eight inches in height, supported by two long 



62 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

poles running along the bottom of each side, and 
slung at each end to loose bars of wood carried on 
men's shoulders. The passenger sits inside as best 
he can, and there is a light matting roof thrown over 
to protect him from the weather. To begin with, it 
is an uncomfortable and shaky conveyance, but in 
time one gets accustomed to it. 

Our baggage was carried mostly on men's backs, 
each load varying from sixty to seventy pounds in 
weight. Altogether we had, I daresay, one hundred 
coolies, as everything we required for a ten days' 
journey had to be carried, in addition to personal 
baggage and stores for our use on arrival. I had 
provided a tent in case of need, but did not use it, 
as rude huts were provided for us at all the stages 
along the road. Our first halt was at Luckipore, in 
British territory, and, as usual, the first march was the 
most trying ; for servants, coolies, etc., have to learn 
each other's ways. I had an escort of one hundred 
men of the 35th Native Infantry, under a subadar, 
as it was expected that I might have to go on an 
expedition soon after my arrival, and these men 
had their own special coolies, so we were a large 
party altogether. 

We halted at Luckipore, as I have said, a few 
miles from the Hoorung Hills and at Jeree Grhat. 
Next day we left British territory and entered Mani- 
pur, where we found some huts built for our accom- 
modation. At Jeree Ghat the really interesting part 
of the journey commenced ; thence, till Bissenpore 
in the valley of Manipur is reached, the traveller 
marches day after day over hills and across rivers. 
The first day from Jeree Grhat we crossed the Noon- 



FEOM OACHAR TO MANIPUE. 63 

jai-bang range, the summit of whicli is 1800 to 1900 
feet above the sea from whence a fine view of the 
next range, Kala Naga or in Manipuri, Wy-nang- 
nong, is obtained. The road which was made under 
the superintendence of Captain (afterwards Colonel) 
Guthrie, of the Bengal Engineers between 1837 and 
1844, at the joint expense of the British and Manipuri 
Governments, the former paying the larger share, 
was excellent for foot passengers and pack animals, 
but not wide enough and too steep for wheeled 
traffic on a large scale. 

After descending from Noong-jai-bang we halted 
on the banks of the Mukker river amidst splendid 
forest, and next day ascended the Kala Naga range 
and halted on the crest close to a Manipuri guard 
house at a height of 3400 feet. 

From this spot a magnificent view of the plains of 
Cachar is obtained, and in fine weather, far beyond 
them the Kasia hills in the neighbourhood of Cherra 
Poojee may be descried. The scene at sunset is 
sometimes magnificent. In the foreground the dark 
forests, and in the far distance a huge bank of golden 
clouds with their reflection in the watery plain, and 
a mingled mass of colours, green fields, purple, 
crimson^ red and gold, all mixed up in such a way as 
no painter would ever attempt to copy. As the sun 
sinks those colours change and re-arrange themselves 
every minute in quick succession, and when at last 
night closes in, the impression left on the mind is 
one of never-ending wonder and admiration. 

From Kala Naga to the Barak river is a very 
stiff descent, calculated to shake the knees of an in- 
experienced hill-walker, and many is the toe-nail lost 



64 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

by the pressure of one's' boots. Here as at the 
Mukker and other rivers farther on, the Barak is 
crossed by cane suspension bridges, which vibrate 
and move at every step. In the dry season these 
rivers are crossed by very cleverly constructed bamboo 
pontoon bridges, but when the rainy season has com- 
menced, they become raging torrents, which nothing 
but a fish could live in, and but for the suspension 
bridges, all communication with the outer world 
would be cut off. The bridge over the Berung 
river was one hundred yards in length, and like all 
the others, was, when I first went to Manipur, con- 
structed entirely of cane and bamboo, and could by 
great exertions, be finished in three days. During 
my period of office, wire ropes were substituted for 
the two main cables on ^which all rested, and the 
strength of the bridges greatly increased thereby. 
It was an important part of my duty to see that both 
roads and bridges were kept in order. 

Our march was interesting but uneventful. We 
started after breakfast and generally reached our 
halting place in time for a late luncheon or afternoon 
tea. Wherever we halted we had a hut to live in, 
generally in some picturesque spot, one day giving a 
splendid view of hill and valley with nothing but 
forests in view, on another we were perched on a 
hill overlooking the beautiful Kowpoom valley, a 
sheet of cultivation. At last, on the ninth day after 
crossing the Lai-metol river, and ascending the Lai- 
metol, we had our first view of the valley of Manipur* 
spread out like a huge map at our feet. Seen as it 
was by us at the end of the rainy season, and from a 

* The name meana beautiful garden. — Ed. 



BEAUTIFUL SCENEEY. 65 

height of 2600 feet above it, is a vast expanse 
of flat land bordered by hills, and mostly covered 
with water, through which the rice crops are 
vigorously growing. To the south the Logtak 
lake is visible, with several island hills in it, 
while far away to the north-east might be seen 
the glittering roofs of the temples of Imphal, the 
capital. It requires time to take in the view and to 
appreciate it. In the dry season it looks very 
different with brown, dried-up hills in the place of 
green. 

The valley of Manipur possesses a few sacred groves, 
left, according to the universal aboriginal custom, 
throughout all parts of India that I have visited, for 
the wood spirits, when the land was first cleared ; but 
no natural forest. These groves are little isolated 
patches of forest dotted here and there ; the villages 
have plenty of planted trees, many of great antiquity, 
and from the heights above they have the appearance 
of woodland covered with grass. Besides this, all 
is one sheet of cultivation or waste covered with 
grass. It was once entirely cultivated, that is, before 
the Burmese invasion of 1819, when the population 
of the valley, was from 500 to 1000 per square 
mile. 

"We halted to rest on the summit of the Lai-metol, 
and then descended, passing sometimes under a kind 
of wild apple tree with very eatable fruit, and 
once through a lovely grove of oak trees, called 
" Oui-ong-Mokluug," and then, still far below us, 
saw some elephants sent for us by the Maharajah. 
These elephants were posted at Sebok Tannah,* a 

* Tannah means outpoat. — Ed. 



66 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

police station where the ground begins to grow level, 
and a mile farther brought us to Bissenpore, where 
there was a rude rest house. Here we halted for the 
night. 

I have mentioned my demand that I should be met 
with proper ceremony. It was of course stoutly re- 
sisted, every argument founded on old custom, etc., 
being used against it. However, I stood firm, and 
absolutely refused to go beyond Bissenpore, till the 
Maharajah gave me an assurance that he would do 
all I required. In the end he gave in, and a day 
before reaching that place, his uncle met me on the 
road witli a letter saying that all should be done as I 
wished. This official, by name Samoo Major, became 
a great friend of mine, and remained so till I finally 
left ; he is, alas, I believe, now a prisoner in the 
Andamans, having been supposed to be implicated in 
the rising in 1891. 

The next day we left Bissenpore in good time, and 
marched the seventeen miles to tlie capital, halting 
half-way at Phoiching, where I was met by some 
officials. Farther on, some of still higher rank came 
to greet me, and finally, at the entrance to the capital, 
I was met by the Maharajah himself, surrounded by 
all his sons. A carpet was spread with chairs for 
him and myself, we both of us having descended 
from our elephants, advanced and met in the centre 
of the carpet, and having made our salutations (a 
salute of eleven guns was fired in my honour), Ave sat 
and talked for two minutes. We then mounted, the 
Maharajah's elephant being driven by his third son, 
the master of the elephants ; and we rode together 
through the great bazaar, till our roads diverged at 



THE OLD EESIDENOY. 67 

the entrance to the fortified enclosure to the palace, 
where we took leave of each otlier, and he went 
home, and I went to the Residency, which I reached 
at four o'clock, my wife and children having made a 
short cut. 

The Residency then was a low and dark bungalow 
built of wattle and daub, and thatched. It had one 
large room in the centre, and a bedroom on either 
side with a small semicircular room in front and 
rear of the centre room ; there was one bathroom (I 
speedily added more), and verandahs nearly all 
round. There were Venetians to the windows, but 
no glass, and the house was very dark and very full 
of mosquitoes. However, all had been done by the 
Residency establishment to make the place comfort- 
able, and we were too old travellers and too accus- 
tomed to rough it, to grumble. The house might be 
rude and uncomfortable, but some of my happiest 
days were spent in it. The building was at the end 
of a garden, with some nice mango, and other trees 
here and there, and had a little more ground attached 
to it, but we were on all sides surrounded by squalid 
villages and filthy tanks and cesspools, and the 
situation was very low, though well drained. Our 
English nurse grumbled incessantly, but we had 
engaged in advance, a nice pleasant Naga woman, 
named Chowkee, to help her, and soon made every- 
thing right for the night, but the mosquitoes were 
terrible, and though my life has been spent in 
countries swarming with them, I give Manipur the 
palm, it beats all others ! 

No European lady or children of pure blood had 
ever before been seen in Manipur, and at first there 

F 2 



68 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

was great excitement wherever we went, all tlie 
population turning out to look at us. By degrees 
they became accustomed to the novelty, but still 
occasionally people from distant villages coming to 
the capital stopped to stare. Every now and then 
my wife had visits from strange old ladies, often 
from the Kola Ranee, the widow of the last Rajah of 
Assam, and by birth a Manipuri princess, daughter 
of Rajah Chomjeet, and first cousin of the Maharajah 
Chandra Kirtee Singh. Once an old woman of 106 
years of age, with a daughter of 76, were visitors, 
and once or twice some other relic of a bygone age 
called on us. Among the latter was old Ram Singh, 
the last survivor of AVilcox's famous survey expedi- 
tions in Assam, in 1825-26-27-28. Wilcox was 
one of the giants of old, men who with limited 
resources, did a vast amount of work among wild 
people, and said little about it, being contented 
with doing their duty. In 1828, accompanied by 
Lieutenant Burton, and ten men belonging to the 
Sudya Khamptis (Shans), he penetrated to the 
Bor Khamptis country, far beyond our borders, an 
exploit not repeated till after oUr annexation of 
Upper Burmah. Ram Singh had a great respect 
for his former leader, and loved to talk of old days. 



( 69 ) 



CHAPTER VIIT. 

Visit to the Maharajah — His minister — Former revolutions — , 
Thangal Major. 

After a day's rest I paid a visit to the Maharajah, 
having first stipulated as to my proper reception. I 
was received by the Jubraj (heir apparent) at the 
entrance to the private part of the palace, and by 
ihe Maharajah a few paces from the entrance to the 
Durbar room (hall of reception), and conducted by 
him to a seat opposite to his own^ with a table 
between us, his sons and officials being seated on 
either side. I read the Viceroy's letter, informing 
the Maharajah of my appointment, and, after a short 
conversation, during which my age was asked (a 
question invariably put to European officers by 
Manipuris of rank), I took my leave, and was 
escorted back to the place where I was met on my 
arrival. I was favourably impressed by what I saw, 
but I at once realised that I was on no bed of roses, 
and that I would have to make a good fight to 
obtain and maintain my just influence with the Dur- 
bar. The Maharajah had undoubtedly grievances 
against us, and I felt that it was folly and injustice 
not to acknowledge these. At the same time, he 
and his ministers had on some occasions taken 
advantage of this state of affairs to behave in an 



70 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

unseemly way, and for this a sharp rebuke had to be 
administered. The natural sense of injustice is 
strong in mankind, and I saw that chafing under 
slights they had received, and often magnifying 
them, it was necessary for me first to acknowledge 
these, and try as far as possible to make amends, and 
then to come down on them very sharply for having 
forgotten their position. 

The Maharajah returned my visit, and we had one 
or two interviews when we discussed affairs. I 
pointed out the extreme gravity of resisting the 
British Government in any way, and we soon 
became very friendly. Colonel McCulloch's intro- 
duction had been a great advantage to me, and 
every one was inclined to give me credit for good 
intentions, at the same time that every effort was 
made to restrict my authority and influence. 

The Maharajah was a rather thick-set man of 
about five feet five inches in height and forty-five 
years of age. In India he would have been called 
fair. He had the features of the Indo-Chinese race, 
and the impassive face that generallj^ goes with 
them, but which is often not so marked in the Mani- 
puris. He was far the ablest man in his dominions, 
and a strong and capable ruler. He had a great 
taste for mechanical arts of all kinds, and a vast fund 
of information which he had acquired by questioning, 
for he questioned every one he met. English scien- 
tific works were explained to him, and his researches 
extended even to the anatomy of the human body, of 
which he had a very fair knowledge. He had a 
taste for European articles, and owned a large 
assortment. He had glass manufactured in his 



THE EOYAL FAMILY. 71 

■workshops, and once sent me a petroleum lamp, 
every portion of which was made by his own arti- 
ficers. His rule, for such a strong man, was mild 
as compared with that of his predecessors, and he 
thoroughly realised that his prosperity depended on 
his loyalty to the British Government. At the same 
time, he was most tenacious of his rights, and earnestly 
desired to preserve his country intact, and to give us 
no excuse for annexing it. 

The fear of tempting us to annex was so great 
that, once when I thought of growing a little tea for 
my own consumption, he was much agitated. I, as a 
matter of courtesy, first sent to ask him if he had 
any objection to my growing a little, and, in reply, 
he sent an official to beg me not to think of it. 
This man said, " The Maharajah will supply you 
with all the tea you want free of cost, but begs you 
not to think of growing it." The officer went on to 
explain, that it was feared that, if I successfully 
demonstrated that tea could be grown in Manipur 
tea planters would come up, and there would be a 
cry for annexation ! Certainly our annexation of 
the Muttuk country in 1840 justified the suspicion, 
and we cannot blame people for having long 
memories. 

The Jubraj, or heir apparent, was an amiable 
young man of twenty-six or twenty-seven, with a 
pleasant smile which was wanting in his fatlier. He 
was of a weak character, although possessing some 
abilit}''. Like his father, he could speak Hindoo- 
stani, but both were ignorant of English. Backed 
up and influenced by an honest and capable Political 
Ag3nt, he would probably have made an excellent 



72 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

ruler, and, had we done our duty by him, he might 
now be at the head of a flourishing little state, 
instead of having died an exile in Calcutta. 

The next son, Wankai Rakpar, afterwards known 
as the " Regent " during the recent troubles, was an 
ignorant, uncouth boor, who knew no language but 
his own, and was quite unfitted for any responsible 
work ; he took little part in public affairs. The 
third known as Samoo Henjaba (Master of the 
Elephants), was a clever, pleasant, sensible young 
man, said by Thangal Major, no mean judge 
of character, to be the ablest of the ten sons 
of the Maharajah. He died during my tenure of 
office. 

The fourth son, Kotwal Koireng, who afterwards 
acquired an infamous reputation as the " Senaput- 
tee," was always a bad character, cruel, coarse, and 
low minded. From early childhood he was given 
to foul language, and was absolutely dangerous when 
he grew up. His mother had been unfaithful to the 
Maharajah, who used to say that the son was worthy 
of her. Colonel McCulloch had always disliked him 
as a boy. 

None of the other six sons of the Maharajah were 
in my time mixed up in public affairs, so I need not 
describe them, except that Pucca Senna was the 
champion polo player, though not otherwise worthy 
of notice. The practical ministers were Bularam 
Singh, or Sawai Jamba Major, and Thangal Major. 
They were both faithful adherents of the Maharajah, 
although the first who had once had much influence 
had married the daughter of the former Rajah Nur 
Sing. He was nominally the first in rank, but 



PALACE EEVOLUTIONS. 73 

Thangal Major was rapidly gaining ground, and 
viewed with increasing favour by the Maharajah. 

T quote the following description of the Govern- 
ment of Manipur from an article I wrote for The 
Nineteenth Century, by kind permission of the 
editor. " The government of Manipur has always 
been a pure despotism tempered by assassination and 
revohition. While he occupies the throne the rajah 
is perfectly absolute. A minister may be all power- 
ful, and all the princes and people may tremble 
before him ; for years he may practically rule the 
rajah ; but he is after all a cipher before his sove- 
reign, a single word from whom may send him into 
exile, make him an outcast, or reduce him to the 
lowest rank. Yet with all this power an obscure 
man may suddenly spring up, as if from the ground, 
to assert himself to be of the blood royal, and 
gathering a large party round him place himself on 
the throne. All this happened not unfrequently in 
days gone by, when many were the rajahs murdered 
or deposed. History tells us of rajahs being deposed, 
re-elected, and deposed again." 

There can be no doubt that in old days the people 
benefited by the system of constant revolutions, as 
a rajah was obliged to keep in touch with his 
subjects if he wished to occupy the throne for any 
length of time, and many concessions were made to 
gain a strong following. The average intelligence 
of the Manipuris being higher than that found 
among the cultivators of many other native states, 
the people knew what reforms to ask for, and often 
insisted on their being granted. 

Nothing can be harder on the people of a native 



74 MY EXPEHIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

state, than for the paramount power to hold a ruler 
on the throne with a firm grasp, and protect him 
against internal revolution, and at the same time to 
refrain from insisting on needful reform. 

Chandra Kirtee Singh's long reign and strong 
government, were in many ways a great benefit to 
the people, because he was a man of sound sense, 
and though selfish and unscrupulous, naturally of a 
kindly disposition, a fact proved by the few execu- 
tions that took place in his reign. In his earlier 
years he had the benefit of Colonel McCulloch's 
good advice, enforced by his great influence. All 
the same there can be no doubt that a little more 
interference judiciously applied, would have vastly 
improved the state of affairs during the time he occu- 
pied the throne. Of course an individual Political 
Agent might bring about improvements in the 
administration, but these all rested on his personal 
influence and lasted only while he remained. Had 
the Government of India stepped in and exerted its 
authority they would have been permanent. 

Bularam Singh was a typical Manipuri in face 
and had good manners, but he had no force of 
character, and gradually yielded to his more able 
colleague. He was generally known as the Toolee- 
Hel major, i.e., the major or commander of the Hel 
regiment. 

Thangal Major was a remarkable character, and 
had a chequered history. His uncle had saved the 
life of Eajah Grhumbeer Singh (Chandra Kirtee 
Singh's father), then a child, when his older brother 
Marjeet attempted the murder of all his relations. 
Thangal Major was one of the props of the throne 



THANGAL MAJOE. 75 

when Grhumbeer Singb. ascended it. He had been 
introduced at Court at an early age, and accom- 
panied the Eajah in an expedition against the village 
of Thangal inhabited by a tribe of Nagas, He was 
given the name Thangal in memory of the event. 
He accompanied the old Ranee with her infant son 
Chandra Kirtee Singh into exile, when she fled 
after attempting the Regent Nursing's life while he 
was engaged in worship in the temple of Govindjee 
in 1844; had stayed with him and carefully watched 
over his childhood and youth. When in 1850 the 
young Rajah came to Manipur to assert his rights, 
Thangal accompanied him and greatly contributed 
to his success. This naturally made him a favourite, 
and his bold, active, energetic character always 
l.iought him to the front when hard or dangerous 
work had to be done. For a time he fell into dis- 
favour, but Colonel McCulloch, recognising his 
strong and useful qualities, and the fact that he was 
an exceedingly able man, interceded for him with 
the Maharajah, and he again came to the front. In 
person he was short and thickset, darker than the 
average of Manipuris, with piercing eyes and rather 
a prominent nose, a pleasant and straightforward 
but abrupt manner, and, though a very devoted and 
patriotic Manipuri, was extremely partial to Euro- 
peans. He knew our ways well, and soon took 
a man's measure. He was acquainted with every 
part of Manipur, and, though ignorant of English, 
could point out any village in the state, on an English 
map. In fact, he had studied geography in every 
branch to enable him to defend the cause of Manipur 
against the survey officers who were suspected by 



76 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

the Manipuris of wishing to include all they could 
within British territory. He knew all our technical 
terms such as " watershed " in English, and had 
gained much credit for enabling the survey to carry 
on their work in 1872, when the patriotic but ill- 
judged zeal of an older officer, Eooma Singh, nearly 
brought about a rupture. Thangal Major's know- 
ledge of us and our customs, as well as of our moral 
code, was astonishing. He realised the power of the 
British Grovernment, and though he would resist us 
to the utmost in the interests of Manipur, nothing 
would have induced him to join in any plot against 
our rule in India. When I say that he was un- 
scrupulous and capable of anything, T only say that 
lie was what circumstances and education had made 
him, and would make any man under similar con- 
ditions. He had not the polish of a native of 
Western India, and had not had the advantage of 
English training that many ministers in other states 
have. The internal administration of Manipur had 
never been interfered with by us, and Thangal 
Major was the strong able man of the old type. A 
strong and capable political agent might do well 
with him, but a weak one would soon go to the wall. 
He commanded the Toolee Nehah, and was often 
called by that title, but was better known as Thangal 
Major. 

One of my predecessors had quarrelled with 
1'hangal Major, and this had led to recrimination, 
and very unseemly conduct on the part of the 
Durbar. This conduct I had rebuked as directed, 
but it was a question as to how Thangal Major was 
to be dealt with, I was authorised to demand his 



A REBUKE. 77 

dismissal from office, and for some time he had not 
been received by my two immediate predecessors. I 
made careful inquiries, and feeling convinced that 
there was a good deal to be said on Thangal's side, 
and that by careful management I should be able to 
keep him well in hand, I sent for him. The old 
man, he was then sixty, having been born in 1817, 
came in a quiet unostentatious way, and after a 
severe rebuke, and receiving an ample apology from 
him, I forgave him, and restored him to the position 
of minister in attendance upon me ; and thenceforth 
I saw him daily, generally for an hour or two. 

In addition to the Minister, two Subadars, Low- 
remba and Moirang, were placed in attendance on 
me, but as time went on, and I and the Durbar be- 
came friends, we transacted business in a friendly 
way, through any one. 



78 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTER IX. 

Manipur — ^Early history — Our connection with it — Qhumbeer Singli — 
Burmese war. 

Manipur consists of about 8000 square miles, chiefly 
hills surrounding a valley 650 square miles in 
extent. This valley from north to south is 
about 35 miles, and from east to west 25. The 
capital Imphal, as it formerly existed, was a large 
mass of villages looking like a forest from the 
neighbouring heights, and covering about 15 
square miles. Every house was in the centre of its 
own well-planted garden, and every garden con- 
tained a few forest trees. The census of 1881 gave 
the population of the capital as 60,000, that of the 
rest of the valley an equal number, while the hills 
were estimated to have 100,000. It was only in 
the capital that pure Manipuris lived, except the 
soldiers in the military posts which were scattered 
all over the country. 

The valley itself is 2600 feet above the sea, and 
the hills rise on an average to an equal height above 
it, though here and there some of the distant peaks 
are 10,000 to 12,000 feet in height. Thus Manipur 
contains within its borders a variety of climate from 
almost tropical, to a greater cold than that of 
England. The heat is never very excessive in the 



WASTEFUL CULTIVATION. 79 

valley, and for eight months in the year it is most 
enjoyable. Foreigners suffer much from bronchial 
affections, doubtless owing to the waterlogged soil, 
but these complaints are not more prevalent among 
the native population than elsewhere, and if sanitary 
laws were properly observed, the valley might be a 
most healthy place and the population would rapidly 
overflow. 

The capital is almost intersected by the 25th 
parallel north latitude, and 95° east longitude, and 
is 132 miles by road from Silchar, the capital of 
Cachar, and 70 from Tamu in the Kubo valley. 
The valley of Manipur forms the centre of a chain of 
valleys, viz., Cachar, Manipur, and Kubo, connecting- 
Bengal with Burmah proper. The sides of the hills 
facing the valley of Manipur are generally covered 
with grass or scant jungle which rapidly dries up as 
the cold season advances, but when once the crest is 
passed, a fine forest is reached; except where the hill- 
tribes have destroyed it, to raise one crop and then 
let it relapse into grass and scrub. Alas, I have 
seen noble oak forests laid low and burned for this 
purpose. It is an abominable custom, and nothing 
can justify our permitting it where we hold sway. 
That it is not necessary is shown by the Angamis 
and some of the Tankhool tribes, who though they 
do occasionally indulge in this wasteful cultivation 
are quite independent of it, as they terrace their hill- 
sides and cultivate the same tract for generations. 
The forests of Manipur are plentifully supplied with 
fine timber trees ; several varieties of oak and chest- 
nut exist, and many others unknown in England such 
as Woo-Ningtho, an excellent timber said to resist 



80 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

the ravages of white ants ; wang, which can be 
worked in its green state as it never warps ; teak, 
etc. Fir trees are found in abundance to the south, 
east, and north-east of the valley, and bamboos of 
many kinds, including the giant, are plentiful. 

Rhododendrons and wild azaleas of several kinds, 
as well as many species of brilliant orchids, add 
greatly to the beauty of the forests, and in some 
parts tree ferns are abundant. I know nothing 
more lovely in the world, than some of the forest 
scenery of Manipur with its solemn stillness. 

The early history of Manipur is lost in obscurity, 
but there can be no doubt that it has existed as an 
independent kingdom from a very early period. In 
the days when the Indian branch of the Aryan race 
was still in its progressive and colonising stage, this 
district was repeatedly passed over by one wave after 
another of invaders, intent on penetrating into the 
remotest parts of Burmah. We have no means of 
ascertaining what government it had before the 
year 700 A.D., but it is believed that a monarchy 
prevailed at that era. About the year 1250 a.d., a 
large Chinese force invaded the country, and was 
signally defeated ; all who were not killed being 
made prisoners. These taught the Manipuris silk 
culture, and a number of them were settled at Susa 
Rameng in the valley, where they have still 
descendants. The Chinese also taught the art of 
brick-making, and erected two solid blocks of 
masonry in the palace, between which the road to the 
Lion Grate passed. These blocks were levelled with 
the ground by the Burmese invaders, but rebuilt on 
the old foundations by Ghumbeer Singh. 



■MANIETJEI CATALET.' ' 81 

Manipur in old days possessed a famous breed of 
ponies, larger and better bred that the so-called 
Burmese ponies that come from the Shari states. 
On these ponies were mounted the formidable 
cavalry that in the last century made Maniptir feared 
throughout Upper Burmah, and enabled her rulers 
on more than one occasion, to carry their victorious 
arms within sight of Ava, where their Rajah 
Pamheiba erected a stone pillar to commemorate 
the event. The cavalry used the regular Manipuri 
saddle protecting the legs, and were armed with 
spears and two quivers of darts. These darts in a 
retreat were grasped by a loop and swung round in 
a peculiar way, when the shaft formed of peacock 
feathers with an iron head suddenly became detached, 
and flying with great force inflicted a fatal wound 
wherever it struck. A. skilful man could throw them 
with great precision. 

The territories of Manipur varied according to 
the mettle of its rulers. Sometimes they held a con- 
siderable territory east of the Chindwin river in 
subjection, at other times only the Kubo valley, a 
strip of territory, inhabited, not by Burmese, but 
by Shans, and lying between Manipur proper and 
the Chindwin. Again they were driven back into 
Manipur proper. For the greater part of the last 
century, the Kubo valley unquestionably belonged 
to Manipur, and it was never in any sense a 
Burmese province, being, when not under Manipur, 
a feudatory of the great Shan kingdom of Pong. 

In the middle of the last century one of those 
extraordinary men who appear from time to time in 
the East, destined to shine like a blazing meteor, 

G 



82 MT EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

imparting exceeding brilliancy to their country, and 
then as suddenly vanishing, so that it returns to its 
original obscurity, appeared in Burmah. His name, 
Along Pra, has been corrupted by us into Alompra, 
by which he is always known. He speedily raised 
Burmah to a commanding position. The kingdom 
of Pong was overthrown and its territories mostly 
annexed, Pegu was conquered, our district of Chitta- 
gong threatened, and Siam forced to relinquish 
several coveted possessions. The war fever did not 
die with Alompra, and in 1817 and 1819 Assam and 
Manipur were respectively invaded, internal dissen- 
sions having bred traitors, who, in both countries, 
made the path of the invaders easy. But the master 
spirit was gone, and when we appeared upon the 
scene, they could make no efficient stand. Had we 
then marched to Ava, the Burmese Empire would 
have collapsed like a house of cards, and the events 
of 1885 been anticipated by sixty years. As it was, 
we did not realise our strength and the Burmese 
weakness, and contented ourselves with annexing 
Assam and Oachar and protecting Manipur. 

It is not very evident what the religion of Manipur 
was in early days, but we see no trace of Buddhism. 
Probably, whatever the belief in early years when 
the people may have been affected by the intermit- 
tent stream of Aryans passing through, for many 
centuries no religious rites were used before the 
recent rise of Hindooism, further than to appease 
evil' spirits, as is the custom of the surrounding 
tribes. There can be little doubt that some time or 
other the Naga tribes' to the north made one of their 
chiefs Eajah of Manipur, and that his family, while, 



HINDOO PEOSELYTISM. 83 

like the Manchus in China and other conquerors, 
adopting the civilisation of the country, retained 
some of their old customs. This is shown in the 
curious practice at the installation of a Kajah, when 
he and the Ranee appear in Naga costume ; also that 
he always has in his palace a house built like a 
Naga's, and wherever he goes he is attended by two 
or three Manipuris with Naga arms and accoutre- 
ments. I once told a Manipuri what I thought on 
the subject, and he was greatly struck by it, and 
admitted the force of what I said. 

Towards the middle of the last century, for some 
reason or other, a great Hindoo revival took place in 
the East of India. Assam was once Hindoo but had 
long become Buddhist under its Ahom kings, and 
now became converted to Hindooism, by Brahmins 
from Bengal. All difficulties were smoothed over, 
and converts were made by tens of thousands. It is 
to be regretted that it was so, as these " converts " 
quickly deteriorated. The easy conquest of Hindoo- 
ised Assam by the Burmese, when Buddhist Assam 
had successfully resisted a powerful army sent by 
Arungzebe from India and composed largely of 
recruits from Central Asia, seems proof of it, if all 
other evidence were wanting. 

The process of conversion in Manipur began a 
generation later than in Assam, and proceeded on 
somewhat different lines, but it was not less effective, 
and was still going on at a late date. It had not the 
same deteriorating effect, for the Rajahs assumed to 
themselves a position greater than that of High 
Pontiff, and could at any time by their simple fiat 
have changed the religion of the country and de- 

G 2 



84 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

graded all the Brahmins, in fact all admissions to the 
Hindoo pale from the outer world of iinorthodoxy 
were made by the Rajah himself Sometimes the 
inhabitants of a village were elevated en masse from 
the level of outcasts, to that of Hindoos of pure caste, 
but more often single individuals were " converted." 
A man belonging to a hill-tribe, for instance, could, 
if the Rajah chose, at any time receive the sacred 
thread of the twice-born castes, and on payment of a 
small sum of money be admitted as a Hindoo and 
was thenceforth called a Khetree.* This privilege was 
not accorded to Mussulmans. I once asked a Manipuri 
why they received hill-men and not Mussulmans, both 
being Mlechas,f according to Hindoo theory. He said 
it was because the hill people had sinned in ignorance, 
whereas Mussulmans knew the evil of their ways. 

Of course, every one who knows anything of 
Hindooism is aware that theoretically a man must be 
born a Hindoo, and that proselytism is not admitted. 
Practically, however, this rule is ignored on the 
eastern frontier, and all along it from Sudya down 
to Ohittagong, where conversions are daily taking 
place. I remember villages in Assam where caste 
was unknown thirty-five years ago, but where now 
the people live in the odour of sanctity as highly 
orthodox and bigoted Hindoos. Strange to say, the 
pure Hindoos of the North-West Provinces acknow- 
ledge the pretensions of these spurious converts 
sufficiently so as to allow of their drinking water 
brought by them. It is probably easier to take the 
people at their own valuation than to carry water 
one's self from a distance when tired. By the 

* Probably a corruption of Khatyra. f ^-e. Unclean. 



&HUMBEER SINGH. 85 

religious law of the Hindoos, it is forbidden to eat or 
drink anything touched by one of another tribe. 

Our first relations with Manipur date from 1762, 
when Governor Yerelst of the Bengal Presidency — 
with that splendid self-reliance and large-mindedness 
characteristic of the makers of the British Indian 
Empire, men who acted instead of talking, and were 
always ready to extend our responsibilities when 
advisable — entered into a treaty with the Eajah of 
Manipur. As this treaty came to nothing, practi- 
cally our connection with the little state really dates 
from 1823. It had been invaded by the Burmese in 
1819, and its people driven out or carried off into 
slavery in Burmah. The royal family were fugitives. 

At that time Sylhet was our frontier station, and 
our relations with the Burmese, who were at the 
highest pitch of their power, were daily becoming 
more strained. On our side of the frontier we were 
ably represented by Mr. David Scott, agent to the 
Governor-Greneral, and preparations were being made 
for the inevitable struggle. One day a young Mani- 
puri prince waited on Mr. Scott and asked leave to 
raise a Manipuri force to fight on our side. He 
was short and slight, and of indomitable courage and 
energy, and the agent to the Governor-General 
recognising his ability, allowed him to raise 500 men. 
These were soon increased to 2000, cavalry, infantry 
and artillery. Two English officers, Captain F. Grant 
and Lieutenant R. B. Pemberton, were attached 
to the force, thenceforth called the Manipur Levy, 
to drill and discipline it. 

In 1825 a general advance was made all along our 
line, Cachar was invaded and subdued, and we 



86 MY BXPBRrENCES IN MANIPUB. 

essayed to pursue the enemy into Manipur and thence 
into Burmah, but our transport arrangements failed. 
Hitherto we had been accustomed to wars in the 
arid plains of India, and our military authorities did 
not realise the necessities of an expedition into the 
eastern jungles. Hence, camels and bullocks were 
sent to dislocate their limbs in the tenacious mud 
and swamps of Cachar, and when the advance into 
Manipur was desired, our regular troops were power- 
less. At this crisis the Manipur Levy showed its im- 
mense value. The men could move lightly equipped 
without the paraphernalia of a regular army, and 
advance they did, and with such effect that in a short 
time not only was Manipur cleared, but the enemy 
driven out of the Kubo valley. Later on, Grhumbeer 
Singh was recognised as Rajah of Manipur, and the 
Kubo valley was included within his territories. 

Manipur at this time contained only 2000 inhabi- 
tants, the miserable remnants of a thriving popula- 
tion of at least 400,000, possibly 600,000, that existed 
before the invasion. Grhumbeer Singh's task was to 
encourage exiles to return, and to attempt to rebuild 
the prosperity of his little kingdom. He was a wise 
and strong though severe ruler, and though he owed 
his throne greatly to his own efforts, he to the last 
retained the deepest feelings of loyalty and gratitude 
to the British Grovernment, promptly obeying all its 
orders and doing his utmost to impress the same 
feeling on all his officers. 

As is always the case, though we had carried all 
before us in the war, we began to display great 
weakness afterwards. We had an agent. Colonel 
Burney, at Ava, and the Burmese who were not 



THE KUBO VALLEY. 87' 

disposed to be at all friendly, constantly tried to im- 
press on him the fact that all difficulties and disputes 
would be at an end if we ceded the Kubo valley to 
them, that territory belonging to our ally Grhiimbeer 
Singh of Manipur. Of course the proposal ought to 
have been rejected with scorn, and a severe snub 
given to the Burmese ofScials. The advisers of the 
Grovernment of India, however, being generally officers 
brought up in the Secretariat, and with little practical 
knowledge of Asiatics, the manly course was not 
followed. It was not realised that a display of self- 
confidence and strength is the best diplomacy with 
people like the Burmese, and with a view to winning 
their good-will we basely consented to deprive our 
gallant and loyal ally of part of his territories. An 
attempt was made to negotiate with him, but Major 
Grant said, " It is no use bargaining with Grhumbeer 
Singh," and refused to take any part in it. He was 
asked what compensation should be given, and he 
said 6000 sicca rupees per annum. 

When Ghumbeer Singh heard the final decision 
he quietly accepted it, saying, " You gave it me and 
you can take it away. I accept your decree." The 
proposed transfer was very distasteful to many of 
the inhabitants, including the Sumjok (Thoungdoot) 
Tsawbwa,* but they were not consulted. The Kubo 
valley was handed over to the Burmese on the 9th of 
January, 1834, and on that day Grhumbeer Singh died 
in Manipur of cholera. Perhaps he was happy in the 
hour of his death, as he felt the treatment of our 
Grovernment most severely. 

* Mentioned frequently later on. In August, 1891, lie was a fugitive 
from the British Grovernment, hiding himself on the Chinese frontier. — Ed. 



88 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTER X. 

Ghumbeer Singh aad our treatment of Mm — Nur Singh and attempt on 
his life — McCulloch — His wisdom and generosity — ^My establishment 
— Settlement of frontier dispute. 

GrHDMBEER SiNGH did much for Manipur during his 
comparatively short reign. He made all the roads 
in his territory safe, and suhdued the different hill- 
tribes who had asserted their independence during 
the troubles with Burmah. Imphal, the old capital, 
had not been re-occupied, though the sacred spot 
where the temple of Grovindjee stood was cared for ; 
but a new, palace had been built at Langthabal at a 
distance of three and a half miles from Imphal where 
several fine masonry buildings were erected, and a 
canal dug for the annual boat races. Langthabal* 
was deserted in 1844 and the old site re-occupied, 
and in my time, the buildings at Langthabal were 
picturesque ruins, having been greatly injured by 
time and the earthquakes of 1869 and 1880. Grhum- 
beer Singh left an infant son, Chandra Kirtee Singh 
who was two years of age at his father's death and a 
distant cousin, Nur Singh, was appointed Regent. 
Contrary to all precedent, the Regent was loyal to 
his charge and governed well and ably for the infant 

* Here a British native regiment was stationed, after Sir J. Johnstone's 
retirement, but some time before the troubles of 1891. — Ed. 



FOEMER DEALINGS WITH MANIPUR. 89 

prince, in spite of constant attempts to overthrow his 
government. In 1844, the Queen-Mother wishing 
to govern herself, attempted to procure Nur Singh's 
murder as he was at prayers in the temple. She 
failed and fled with her son the young Eajah Chandra 
Kirtee Singh to British territory. ' The Eegent then 
proclaimed himself Rajah with the consent of all the 
people. The Manipur Levy had been maintained up ■ 
till 1835 when the Government of India withdrew 
their connection from it, and ceased to pay the men. 
Major Grant left Manipur, and Captain Gordon, who 
had been adjutant since 1827, was made Political 
Agent of Manipur. Captain Pemberton had long 
since been on special survey duty. 

Captain Gordon died in December 1844. He was 
much liked and long remembered by the people 
whom he had greatly benefited, among other ways 
by introducing English vegetables, and fruits. He 
was succeeded by Lieutenant (afterwards Colonel) 
McCulloch. 

Eajah Nur Singh died in 1850, and was succeeded 
by his brother Debindro, a weak man, quite unfit for 
the position. In 1850, young Chandra Kirtee Singh 
invaded the valley with a body of followers, De- 
bindro fled, and he mounted the throne without 
opposition. Up to this time the Government of 
India had always acknowledged the de facto Eajah 
of Manipur, and revolutions with much accompanying 
bloodshed were, common. Now, however, McCulloch 
strongly - urged the advisability of supporting 
Chandra Kirtee Singh, and he received authority to 
" make a public avowal of the determination of the 
British. Government to uphold the present Eajah- and 



90 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

to resist and punish any parties attempting hereafter 
to dispossess him." The Court of Directors of the 
East India Company, in a despatch dated May 5th, 
1852, confirmed the order of the Grovernment of 
India and commented thus : " The position you have 
assumed of pledged protector of the Eajah, imposes 
on you as a necessary consequence the obligation of 
attempting to guide him, by your advice, but if 
needful of protecting his subjects against oppression 
on his part ; otherwise our guarantee of his rule may 
be the cause of inflicting on them a continuance of 
rieckless tyranny." 

These words of justice and wisdom were steadily 
ignored by successive governments. On no occasion 
did the Grovernment of India ever seriously remon- 
strate with the Rajah, or make a sustained effort to 
improve his system of administration. The East 
India Company's order became a dead letter, but the 
resolution to uphold Chandra Kirtee Singh bore 
good fruit, and during his long reign of thirty-five 
years no successful attempt against his authority was 
ever made, and he on his part displayed unswerving 
fidelity to the British Grovernment. 

I have already mentioned the great work that 
Colonel McCuUoch accomplished with regard to the 
Kukis. This added to his long experience, gave 
him great influence in the State, and when he 
retired from the service in 1861, it was amidst the 
regrets of the whole people. Able, high-minded, 
respected, and having accomplished a task few could 
even have attempted, he left without honour or 
reward from his Government. How many men of 
inferior capacity, and quite without his old-fashioned 



COLONEL McCULLOCH. 91 

single-minded devotion to duty, are nowadays 
covered with, stars ! When he left he made every 
effort to hand over his vast power and influence 
intact to his successor, and to smooth his way as 
much as possible. Had the Government of India 
exercised the slightest tact and discretion in the 
selection of its agent, he might have carried on the 
good work so ably commenced, and brought Manipur 
by rapid strides into the path of progress. As it 
was it would have been difficult to find an officer 
more unfitted to succeed Colonel McOuUoch than 
the one selected ; he was soon involved in difficulties, 
and after a troubled period was ordered by Grovern- 
ment to leave at three days' notice. For a time the 
agency remained vacant, but the Eajah applied for 
another officer, and Colonel McCuUoch was requested 
by the Grovernment to quit his retirement, and again 
assume charge. He did so, and was received with 
acclamations by Rajah and people, the whole State 
turning out to meet him. His first effort was to - 
restore the confidence forfeited by the late political 
agent, and everything went on as smoothly as ever ; 
but, towards the end of 1867, he finally retired, 
staying on a few days after his successor's arrival to 
post him up in his work. This time it would have 
been thought that some judgment would be shown 
in the selection of an officer for the post; but the 
next political agent was eminently unfitted and for 
some years before his death in 1876, was on very 
indifferent terms with the Durbar. 

During the brief period that elapsed between the 
last event and my taking charge, two different 
officers held the post. 



92 MY EXPEEIBNCES IN MANIPUR. 

My Grovernment establisliinent consisted of a head 
clerk, a most excellent man, Baboo Rusni Lall 
Coondoo ; a native doctor, Lachman Parshad ; native 
secretary and Manipuri interpreter ; Burmese inter- 
preter ; Naga interpreter ; Kuki interpreter ; and 
latterly six chuprassies, i.e., orderlies or lictors. As 
for private servants we had three Naga girls, a Mugh 
cook and assistant, who could turn out a dinner 
equal to any of the London clubs for one hundred 
people at a couple of days' notice, and under him I 
had four young Nagas learning their work, as I was 
determined to do more for my successors than my 
predecessors had done for me, viz., teach and train 
up a staff" of servants so as to save the necessity of 
importing the scum of Calcutta. I had an excellent 
bearer, Horna, as I have already stated, and under 
him were two or three Nagas; washerman, syces, 
gardeners, water-carriers, etc., made up the number. 
All my interpreters, chuprassies, and servants, I 
clothed in scarlet livery which made a great impres- 
sion, and gradually the air of squalor which prevailed 
when I arrived began to disappear. I had charge of 
a GrOvernment Treasury from which I used to pay 
myself and the Grovernment establishment. The 
currency of the country was a small bell-metal coin 
called "Sel," of which 400 to 480 went to the rupee, 
also current, but copper pice were not used, and all 
Manipuri accounts were kept in " Sel." 

At this time the Naga Hills were still under a 
political oflScer whose actual jurisdiction was limited 
to the villages which had paid tribute to me, as 
already described. He was supposed to exercise a 
certain influence over many of the large villages. 



BOUNDARY DISPUTE. 93 

but the influence was lessened by the feeling en- 
tertained by the Nagas that our stay in the hills was 
uncertain, and that for all practical purposes the 
Manipuris were the power most to be reckoned with, 
and from our point of view it was very desirable 
that our headquarter station should be removed to 
Kohima. A dispute with Mozuma, due chiefly to 
our vacillating conduct, was now going on, but its 
chiefs would not accept our terms, and an expedition 
to coerce them was in preparation in which I was to 
ta.ke part. Mr. Carnegy was political officer, a man 
of ability and determination, and very pleasant to 
deal with. During the dispute with Mozuma, the 
other villages held aloof, thinking Mozuma was able 
to hold its own, and waiting to see which side gained 
the day. 

Burmah was still under its native rulers. There 
were constant frontier disputes going on between it 
and Manipur, but that state of things was chronic. 

To the south of Manipur, the Chin and Lushai 
tribes were quiet. 

There was a long standing boundary dispute be- 
tween Manipur and the Naga Hills. The boundary 
had been most arbitrarily settled by us when the 
survey was carried out, so far as a certain point, 
beyond that it was vague. Manipur claimed 
territory which we certainly did not possess, and 
which she had visited from time to time, but did not 
actually hold in subjection. Other portions, as I 
afterwards proved, were occupied by her, though the 
fact had not been ascertained. Over and over again 
efibrts had been made to bring the Durbar to terms, 
but without success. I determined to grapple with 



94 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE, 

the question at once. I took a map and drew a line 
including all that I thought Manipur entitled to, in 
the neighbourhood of the Naga Hills, and advised 
the Maharajah to accept the arrangement on the 
understanding that when I visited the country 
claimed further eastward, I would recommend the 
Government of India to allow him to retain all that 
he actually held in his possession. This was agreed 
to by him and confirmed by Government, and I 
believe that substantial justice was done to both 
parties. 

I should like to have seen Manipur get more, as a 
set-off against our unjust treatment in former years, 
but as we were sure eventually, to occupy all the 
Naga Hills, it was necessary to make such an 
adjustment as would not injure British interests in 
the future. 



( 95 ) 



CHAPTEE XI. 

My early days in Manipur — The capital — The inhabitants — Good qualities 
of Manipuris — Origin of valley of Manipur — Expedition to the Naga 
Hills — Lovely scenery— Attack on Kongal Tannah by Buimese — 
Eeturn from. Naga Hills — Visit Kongal Tannah. 

The first few weeks in Manipur were taken up in 
making acquaintance with tte place and peopje, and 
doing all that was possible to disarm the fears of the 
Durbar. Never was there one so suspicious. At first 
all my movements were watched, and wherever I 
went spies, open or secret, followed ; however, I 
encouraged it to the utmost, and told the officials to 
inquire into everything I did, and they very soon 
saw that there was no necessity for special espionage, 
though all my acts were still noted and reported. 
Several little difficulties cropped up regarding British 
subjects, and required some care in dealing with 
them. In one case, a man had taken upon himself 
to intrigue with some of the Nagas under Manipur, 
■ and urged them to declare themselves British subjects, 
and in another, a man had robbed the Maharajah. 
In both instances the Durbar had acted foolishly and 
precipitately, though under much provocation. How- 
ever, I turned both men out of the country, with 
orders never to return. 

The question of British subjects and their rights 
was one that gave me much trouble for years. 



96 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

Judging by a decision of tlie Higli Court of Calcutta 
that all the descendants of European British subjects 
were European British subjects, I insisted on all 
descendants of British subjects being considered as 
such, and subject to my jurisdiction. After a long 
struggle I carried my point, and it very greatly 
strengthened my position. 

A few more words about the capital and the 

Manipuris may not be amiss. Imphal, as has been 

said,* covered a space of fifteen square miles. On 

the north side it touches on some low hills, called 

Ching-mai-roong, and running westward is bounded 

by a shallow lake, which is partly enclosed by a 

continuation of the hills, here called Langol, on 

which grows a celebrated cane used for polo sticks. 

Then, running south, it is intersected by several 

roads, notably the road to Silchar, which enters the 

capital at a place called Kooak-Kaithel (i.e. crow 

bazaar). Here it is bounded by rice cultivation. 

Groing farther south, and sweeping roimd in an 

easterly direction, it is bounded by the Plain of 

Lang-thabal, at one extremity of which lies the old 

capital ; here two rivers intersect it. And going 

farther east, it is bounded by the lower slopes of a 

hill rising 2500 feet above the valley. Then turning 

to the northward and crossing two rivers, we come 

again to the place from which we started. The 

want of the town was a good water-supply ; there 

were one or two fair-sized tanks, or ponds, as they 

would be called in England, and the afore-mentioned 

rivers, of which the water is not improved by re- 

* Quoted by kiad permission of editor from my article in Nineteenth 
Century. 



MANIPURI SKILL. 97 

ceiving the ashes of the dea,d burned on their baiiksf. 
Beyond this, all the water obtainable was derived 
from small ponds, one or more of which was to' be 
found in every garden enclosure. The ground on 
which the capital stands must at one time have beeti 
very low, probably a marsh, and it has been artifi- 
cially raised from time to time by digging these 
tanks ; every raised road, too, meant a deep stagnant 
ditch on either side. The people are not sanitary in 
their habits, and when heavy rain falls the gardens 
are flooded, and a fair share of the accumufeted filth 
is washed into the drinking-tanks, the result being 
frequent epidemics of cholera. 

The Manipuris themselves are a fine stalwart race 
descended from an Indo-Chinese stock, with some 
admixture of Aryan blood, derived from the succes- 
sive waves of Aryan invaders that have passed 
through the valley in prehistoric days. It may be 
this, or from an admixture of Chinese blood, but 
certainly the Manipuris have stable and industrious 
qualities which the Burmese and Shans do not 
possess. Since then the race has been constantly 
fed by additions from the various hill-tribes sur- 
rounding the valley. The result is a fairly homo- 
geneous people of great activity and energy, with 
much of the Japanese aptitude for acquiring new 
arts. The men seem capable of learning anything, 
and the women are famous as weavers, and in many 
cases have completely killed out the manufacture of 
cloths formerly peculiar to certain of the hill-tribes, 
over whom the Manipuris have obtained mastery by 
superior intellect. They are always cheerful, even 
on a long and trying march, and are good-humoured 

H 



68 MY EX.P:EEIENCES in JtfANIPUR. 

tinder' Sny difficulties and never apparently conscious 
of - fa{}gueV they are very alistemious,.' a!nd live 
'cliifefly'&rf rice and fish, \vMcli is often rotten from 
preference. - Thougli rigid Hindoos 'outvrardly, they 
-have'a curious custom by which a baan of low caste, 
marrying a high-caste .woman,- can be adopted into 
her tribe, the exact reverse of what prevails in 
India, where a woman of high caste marrying a 
low-caste man i& hopelessly degraded and her children 
outcasts. , ' 

It- is impossible -for those who have marched nrach 
in tbe hills with Manipuris to avoid liking them. 
Their caste prejudices,. though rigid, give no trouble 
to otihers. Hungry or not, they are always ready to 
march, and-march all day and all nigbt, if necessary. 
Still, the Indo-Chinese races exceed even the ordinary 
■Asiatic in reserve and sphinx-like characteristics, 
and the Manipuris are an inscrutable set. I had 
■many intiinate friends among ; them, yet; on the 
whole, prefer the pure Hindoo. 

Wh^afris now the valley of Manipur was evidently 

once a series of valleys and rianges- of hills, between 

' the higher ranges which now border it and converge 

"to the south.'- The rivers now flowing through the 

valley then flowed ■ through it like the Barak, 

Eeriing, and 'Others, at a much lower level. One 

of the great earthquakes, to which these regions are 

so STibject, closed the outlet and raised a permanent 

barrier ; thus a lake was formed, and in the course 

t of ages the alluvium brought down by the streams 

filled it up to its ptesent level leaving the Logtak 

* Lake in its lowest part, a lake which has constantly 

' lessened- and is still lessening in size. The crests of 



EXPEDITION. 5^^ 

tho sunken ranges are still to be seen running down 
the valley, and mostly parallel t© tlie bordering 
ranges, sucla are Langol, Langthabal, Phoicbing, Lok- 
cliing, and others. Sometimes a river, as at a place 
called " Eeroce Semba," runs at the base of a hill, 
and cuts away the alluvium^ showing the solid rock. 
This alluvium forms one of the deepest and richest 
soils in the world. 

I have referred to the proposed expedition to the 
Naga Hills, to aid the troops there in the operations 
against the powerful village of Mozuma. In order 
to take part in this expedition I had brought up 
one hundred men of the 35th Native Infantry, from 
Oachar, and I started from Manipur on December 3rd, 
1877, having sent on the 35th and a Manipuri force 
of over three hundred men under the Minister 
Bularem Singh. I rode out the first day to Mayang 
Khang, a distance of forty miles, where I caught up 
my men. I passed Sengmai at a distance of thirteen 
miles on the border of the valley, and up to which 
the road is flat, and soon entered a broken country, 
first grass, then scrub, then forest. The road lay 
over a succession of spurs of the Kowpree Hills 
which run down into a very narrow valley, and was 
as bad as can be imagined — very steep ascents and 
descents. At last we reached Kaithemabee, the 
second stage, and fourteen miles from Sengmai. It 
is exceedingly picturesquely situated, having a 
splendid view of the Kowpree range, here rising to 
over 8000 feet. The outpost is situated on a high 
bank overlooking a stream, and beyond it a splendid 
rolling slope of grass extending for miles. 

All this part of the country is covered with bee- 



IQO MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

hiye-sliaped cairns, built of well-selected stones. 
Th'ey are said to have been made by the Koereng 
Nagas, formerly a very powerful race, whose miser- 
able remnants now inhabit the neighbouring hills. 
Farther on the bee-hives end suddenly, and a region 
of monoliths is entered. Probably both monoliths 
and bee-hives were erected to commemorate great 
events in the lives of the builders, the death of a 
chief, the birth of a son, the giving of a great feast 
when a bison, or possibly many, were killed. Mono- 
liths are common, and exist all over the Naga Hills 
and among the Kolarian and Dravidian tribes, as 
well as all over Europe. Cairns also are common, 
but the beehive-shaped cairns are, I believe, unique, 
and found only in Manipur and in this neigh- 
bourhood. 

I reached Mayung Khang at 4 p.m., having an 
hour before crossed the watershed, all the streams 
south of it falling into the tributaries of the Ohind- 
win Irrawaddy, all to the north running into the 
tributaries of the Granges and Burrhampooter. 

Mayung Khang is a highly undulating grassy 
slope, the Kowpree rising to nearly nine thousand 
feet in the west, while after crossing a small stream 
a lower range closes it in on the east. We halted 
there for the night close to a monolith, and the next 
day marched to Mythephum. 

Mythephum or Muphum (Jit. Manipuri settlement) 
was a small military post, and we encamped below 
in a wide valley among recently cut rice fields, with 
a river rushing by us. The place is so named from 
having been a Manipuri settlement, in the old days 
before the Burmese invasion. High hills rose above 



OUTRAGE AT KONGAL. 101 

US on all sides, the valley running in and out among 
them and following the course of the stream. To 
our north, and at a distance of a mile or two, was 
the once powerful village of Muram, still populous 
but submissive. I had a small but most comfortable 
straw-built hut, and well remember how delightful 
the early morning was next day, when I had break- 
fast at sunrise and saw my thermometer at thirty-: 
two degrees. Only those accustomed to great heat 
realise the delights of a low thermometer. Mythe- 
phum is over 4000 feet above the sea, and being 
a low valley is often extremely cold. Sometimes in 
winter the stream is for a day quite choked by 
blocks of ice, and I have seen the thermometer at, 
twenty-six degrees, 150 feet above the valley, which 
probably meant eighteen degrees at the lowest level 
on the grass. ; 

It was my intention to march on Mozuma by ai 
track which would avoid the powerful villages, 
of Yiswena, Kohima, Jotsuma and Konoma, and 
enable me to attack the enemy in the rear. Halfr 
way I was delayed by receiving no letter from Mr, 
Carnegy, with whom I had to act in concert, and 
this prevented me from reaching the scene of opera- 
tions, as I received the startling news that the 
Manipuri outpost of Kongal Tannah on the borders 
of the Kubo valley had been attacked on Decem- 
ber 14th by a party of men sent by the Rajah of 
Sumjok or Thoungdoot, and eight men killed. This 
threw the whole population of Manipurinto a state 
of commotion, and the Maharajah begged me to 
return at once, and I felt it my duty to do so, as my 
chief work was to protect Manipur and its interests. 



102. MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

I therefore returoed to Manipur on December I7tli, 
leaving iny party on the frontier, where they re- 
mained some time longer, the Nagas being unwilling 
to submit ; and making overtures instead to the 
Maharajah Chandra Kirtee Singh. _ He sternly 
declined their oifers, and threatened that if they did 
not speedily yield to the British authorities, he would 
send a large force to our aid. 

The Naga Hills Campaign of that year had no 
further interest for Manipur, and it had a sad 
ending for us, as Mr, Carnegy was accidently shot 
by a sentry. 

The " Kongal outrage," as it was thenceforth 
called, was so serious and so evidently premeditated, 
that a most thorough inquiry was needed. It took 
some time to collect evidence as wounded men had 
to be brought in, and it was the end of the month 
before I was able to proceed to the spot. At last I 
started and crossed the Yoma range of hills for the 
first time. What a lovely march it was and what 
an anxious one, as I left my wife not at all well, and 
no one but an ignorant and not very sweet-tempered 
EngKsh nurse to look after her. However, duty 
must come first, and off I started, posting relays of 
ponies on the way to enable me to return quickly 
when the work was done. Thangal Major accom- 
panied me. 

The first part of our march lay across the valley, 
and we began the ascent of the hills at a place called 
Ingorok. After a wearisome ascent of 3500 feet 
and a more gradual one along the crest, we made a 
rapid descent of 4000 feet to the Turet river, where 
we encamped. The river runs at the bottom of an 



BIKTH OE ANOTHER . SON. i 103 

exceedingly narrow valley, and the ascent on both 
sides is one of the most wearisome I have ever made. 
On a dark night lights on the hillside above, appear 
as stars from the bed of the stream. The scenery was 
majestic, and the vegetation very fine. The next day 
we commenced with a steep ascent of 2500 feet, and 
ended with a descent of 3000 feet to the Maghung 
river. From the Maghung next inbrning we started 
for Kongal Tannah, which we reached in good time. 
I carefully examined the place and saw the charred 
remains of the murdered men, and many bullets still 
sticking in the stockade. The evidence being com- 
plete, I turned homewards, and by travelling in- 
cessantly reached Manipur next morning to find that 
my wife had presented me with another son, the first 
pure European child born in Manipur. It had been an 
anxious time for-me, and I was thankful to 'find both 
her and the baby well. We named the baby Arthur* 
' I sent a full report of the Kongal' case to the 
Government of India, and a demand for reparation 
was made at the Court of Mandalay, but it was not 
backed up with sufficient vigour> The outrage was 
unprovoked, and nothing less than the execution of 
the ringleaders, who were well known, would have 
satisfied Manipur, and, indeed, the claims of justice, 
but though the case dragged on for years, no redress 
was ever given. I predicted at the time that failure 
to do justice would eventually lead to underhand 
reprisals on the part of Manipur, as the Durbar 
could not understand our Government tolerating an 
attack of this kind on a protected state, and naturally 
ascribed our forbearance to weakness. I shall have 
to refer to the case farther on. 



104 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Discussions as to New Residency — Its completion — Annual boat races — 
Kangjoopkool — Daily work — Dealings with the Durbar, 

I HAVE briefly described the old Eesidency which 
was rented from the Heir Apparent. Money had 
been sanctioned for a new Residency, to belong to 
the British Grovernment, but there had been squabbles 
for a long time between my predecessors and the 
Durbar regarding a suitable site. Also such a 
building as was required could only be built with 
the help of the Durbar whom it was advisable to 
conciliate. 

One of my predecessors wished to build on a small 
hill called " Chinga," about a mile from the palace. 
It was an admirable site, and had the position of the 
Political Agent been similiar to that in other Indian 
States, it could not have been better. But in Mani- 
pur, the representative of the Grovernment of India 
was regarded by the Maharajah as a powerful prop 
and support in case of his throne being attacked, as 
was constantly the case in former years. On this 
ground the Durbar objected that it was too far off; 
also that the place was reported to be the residence 
of an evil spirit inimical to the Royal family, so that 
it was not a convenient spot for the Maharajah to 



THE NEW RESIDENCY 105 

visit. So, after many acrimonious disputes, the 
negotiation fell through. 

Another Political Agent chose a site called Ching- 
mai-roong, which in many ways was very satisfactory, 
and the Durbar reluctantly consented to give it, hut 
it was a mile and a half from the palace, and there- 
fore much out of the way. The question was still in 
abeyance when I arrived. As soon as I had time, I 
discussed the matter with the Durbar, and found lliii 
Maharajah much averse to my removal from the old 
site. He said " Where you are now, I can call to 
you ; but if you go to a distance, I shall be cut off 
entirely." 

I quite saw the advisability of being on the spot, 
also in what I may call the fashionable quarter of the 
town ; and, as from a sanitary point of view, the 
position was as good as any other, I agreed to stay, 
on condition that all the squalid houses and slums in 
the neighbourhood were cleared away, dirty tanks 
filled, and others deepened, and a fine large space 
cleared and handed over to me. I further insisted 
that I should have all the assistance necessary in 
building a suitable Residency. My terms were 
agreed to, and the work put in hand. T determined 
to have a building worthy of the representative of 
the British Government, and sacrificed everything 
to suitable rooms, and sound construction, so that it 
was not till the end of 1880 that it was finished. 

I was greatly indebted to my head clerk. Baboo 
Rusni Lall Coondoo, who acted as clerk of the works. 
The result was a charming residence. It was in the 
half-timber style of old English houses, modified to 
suit the climate, all on one floor, but raised on a solid 



1Q6 MY EXPERIENCES, IN MANIPUR. 

brick, faundation, whicli\gave a lower storey seven 
feet in height, thus keeping us high and dry, the 
house being amproached on four sides by flights of 
solid masonry ^teps. The lower storey was built so 
as to be, shot proof, as I designed it as a place' of 
retreat 'from stray shot for non-combatants, in the 
event of the Residency being again, as it had been 
before, subjected to a cross-fire from contending 
parties during pne of the many revolutions so com- 
mon to Manipur. Little did I dream that folly, and 
incompetency would ever lead to our being directly 
attacked ! 

The large compound, about sixteen acres in extent, 
was surrounded by a mud breastwork and ditch, quite 
capable of being defended, if necessary, and- there 
were four entrances which I named respectively, the 
Great Gate, the Milking Gate, my cows'-shed being 
close to it, the Water Gate and the Kang-joop- 
kool Gate. I made a riding road all round to exer- 
cise ponies, and besides making a splendid kitchen 
garden, adding considerably to Colonel McCulloch's, 
we laid out flower beds, and had cool shady spots for 
the heat of the day. Deodars and other exotic trees 
were imported by me and throve wonderfully. One 
large sheet of water with an island in the centre was 
cleared, deepened, and the banks repaired, and as I 
never allowed a bird to be killed, it was covered 
in winter with water-fowls to the number of four 
hundred and fifty or five hundred of every kind, 
from wild geese downwards, and rare birds took 
refuge in the trees. In the north-east corner of the 
compound were the lines for my escort, with a tank 
of the purest drinking water, where formerly -squalor 



THE HOSPITAL. 107 

and filth had held sway. Finally I coyered most of 
the large trees with beautiful orchids, so that in the 
season we had a blaze of colour. I spared no expense 
on the garden, and we were rewarded. Altogether 
the Residency and its grounds formed a beautiful 
and comfortable resting-place. 

The new building was also commodious and con- 
tained a handsome Durbar-room for receptions 
24 feet square, fine dining and drawing-rooms, 
very airy and comfortable bedrooms, etc., with an 
office for myself. The pantry was so arranged 
that cold draughts of air, so great a drawback in 
Indian houses in cold weather, were avoided when 
dinner was being brought in. The bedrooms had 
fireplaces, and the sitting-rooms excellent sto\'es 
which in winter were very necessary. The shot-proof 
rooms in the basement were not used, except one for 
a storeroom, and the one under the verandah of the 
Durbar-room, used as a sleeping place by the men of 
my guard. 

The Great Gate was a picturesque half-timber 
structure, with rooms on either side, one of which I 
built specially as a pneumonia hospital, so it was 
designed with a view to maintaining an equable 
temperature, pneumonia being a great scourge among 
newly arrived Hindoostani sepoys. Not long after 
I left, it was diverted to other purposes, being 
considered too good for a hospital ! 

" With the exception of the Residency, no house 
when I left Manipur, was built of brick, partly from 
fear of earthquakes, partly on account of expense. 
The ordinary houses of the people are huts with 
w^attle and daub or mud walls^ those of greater folks 



108 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

the same, but on a larger scale. Every house has a 
verandah in front with the main entrance leading 
from it, and a little side door on the north side close 
to the west end, the houses invariably facing east. ' 
The roofs are all of thatch, with the exception of the 
Rajah's, which was of corrugated iron. There were 
several temples built of brick stuccoed over. One in 
the palace had an iron roof, another a gilded one. 
I sent some models of these temples and several other 
buildings to the Indian and Colonial Exhibition of 
1886, every beam and rafter being represented and 
made according to scale. The larger of the temples 
had bel is of a fine deep tone. Some of the approaches 
to the Rajah's dwelling-house were made of brick. 
Formerly the palace enclosure was entered from the 
front by a quaint and picturesque old gateway, not 
beautiful, but characteristic of Manipur ; the old Rajah 
Chandra Kirtee Singh substituted for it a tawdry 
and fantastic structure with a corrugated iron roof, a 
structure without any merit, and quite out of keeping 
with its surroundings. I remonstrated in vain; shoddy 
and vulgar tastes had penetrated even to Manipur, and 
the picturesque old building that spoke of bygone 
ages was doomed ; but we who have destroyed so 
many fine buildings, have little right to criticise. 

" Close to the gateway is the place where the grand 
stand is erected, from which the Rajah and his 
relations view the boat races on the palace moat. I 
say ' view,' as in old age, a Rajah sits there all the 
time ; but in the prime of life he takes part in these 
races, steering one of the boats himself. These boat 
races generally take place in September when the 
moat is full, and are the great event of the year. 



BOAT EACBS. 109 

Every one turns out to see them, the Eanees and 
other female relations being on the opposite side of 
the moat, for in Manipur there is no concealment of 
women, while the side next to the road is thronged 
with spectators. The boatmen have a handsome 
dress peculiar to the occasion, and the whole scene is 
highly interesting. The boats are canoes hewn out 
of single trees of great size, and are decorated with 
colour and carving." * 

The valley of Manipur is hot and steamy in the 
rainy season, and Colonel McCulloch built a small hut 
at a place called Kang-joop-kool, situated on a spur 
of the Kowpree range, to the west of the valley at a 
height of 5170 feet above the sea. The distance 
from the capital was fourteen miles, and four from 
the foot of the hills, and he lived there for the whole 
of the rainy season, except for a few visits to the 
capital. His successors till my time did not stay 
there much, but I bought a small hut from my 
immediate predecessor, and pulled it down, and built 
a new one far more commodious. I enclosed the 
land, and laid out a small garden, and planted a wood 
of Khasia pines, the land being quite bare, and in 
time it became a most charming place. It was 
pleasant to leave the ceremonial life at the capital, 
where I never walked out without a train of followers 
clad in scarlet liveries, and settle down quietly at 
Kang-joop-kool where we could roam about the hills 
as if we had been in England. 

I spent little or no time in sporting, my eyes were 
never very goodj and before I came to Manipur had 

* Quoted by kind permission of editor from my article in Nineteenth 
Century. 



no MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

become so deficient in what oculists call power of 
"accommodation," that, though formerly a fairly- 
good shot, I was then a bad one. In one way this 
was an advantage, as all my interests were concen- 
trated on my work, and nothing of greater interest 
could have been found. Somehow or other, there 
was subject for conversation with State officials and 
non-officials, to last me from early morning till night, 
and fill up every spare moment. My door was 
always open, and the guard at the great gate had 
orders to let every one pass. All the minor gates 
were unguarded. 

No attempt was made by the Durbar, as in other 
native states, to bribe the Eesidency servants, except 
in one notable case that happened before my time. 
All negotiations were carried on with the Political 
Agent direct, and the penurious Manipuris would 
have thought it waste of money to bribe his servants. 
This was a very satisfactory state of things, and 
probably saved many unpleasant complications. 

In my dealings with the Durbar, I always tried to 
bear in mind that I was the representative of the 
strong dealing with the weak, and so to ignore little 
silly acts of self-assertion, such as a native court 
loves to indulge in, and childish ebullitions, as un- 
worthy of notice. Whenever it became necessary 
'for me to interfere, I did so with great firmness, but 
always tried to carry the Maharajah and his ministers 
with me, and make any desired reform appear to 
emanate from him. Except on one occasion, I never 
experienced any rudeness from an ofiScial. 

At the same time when any attempt was made to 
infringe on the rights of the British Grovernment or 



THE COURT. Ill 

its subjects, I spoke in very unmistakable language, I 
think the Durbar gave me credit for good intentions 
and appreciated my desire to worlc with them ; of 
course they tried to get all they could out of me, and 
it was a daily, but, on the whole, friendly struggle 
between us. I knew perfectly well that to exalt 
themselves, the Court party spoke of me behind my 
back in disparaging terms, and boasted of what they 
could do, and of their independence of the British 
Government, but I was quite satisfied that they did 
not believe what they said, and that in all important 
matters they deferred to me on every point, and 
"were always coming to me to help them out of 
difficulties. I kept in mind Colonel McCulloch's 
wise saying to the Eajah : " I don't care what you 
say of me, so long as you do as I tell you." 



112 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANH'Ull. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Violent conduct of Prince Koireng — A rebuke — Service paj-ment — Ad- 
vantage of Manipuri system. Customs duty — Slavery — Releasing 
slaves — Chowba's fidelity — Sepoy's kindness to children — Visit to the 
Yoma range. 

An incident occurred which might have caused some 
trouble, while it served to show the violent dis- 
position of Kotwal Koireng, later known as the 
Senaputtee. One evening my Naga interpreter 
reported to me that an Angami Naga of Kohima 
had been cruelly assaulted by that prince, while he 
was passing along the road to the east of the palace 
enclosure. Soon after the man was brought in to 
me, and an examination by my native doctor proved 
that he was suffering from a severe contusion above 
the right eye, which might or might not prove fatal. 
Now, strictly speaking, the man was not a British 
subject, but some day or other he was sure to be one, 
and we had assumed an indefinite control over his 
people. This made me feel that passing over the 
offence as one not concerning us, would be to lose 
prestige with Manipur, as well as with the Naga 
tribes, who ought, I felt, to be assured of my 
sympathy. I therefore at once sent a strong remon- 
strance to the Durbar, claiming the man as a British 
subject, and demanding prompt recognition of, and 



THE SENAPUTTEE. 113 

reparation for the outrage. On further investiga- 
tion it appeared, that the man was with some of his 
friends carrying a large joint of beef on his shoulder 
just as Kotwal Koireng was passing, and a few 
drops of blood fell on the ground ; this enraged the 
Prince so much that he at once attacked the man 
with a thick stick which he carried, and beat him 
till he was almost senseless. There was no real 
provocation, as eating the flesh of cows that had 
died a natural death was always allowed, and any 
dead cow was at once handed over to the Nagas and 
other hill-tribes ; it was simply an outburst of 
temper. The result was, that until the man's 
recovery was assured, Kotwal was held in a species 
of arrest; then he was released and sent with the 
Jubraj to make an apology to me ; the man received 
a sum of money, and the affair ended amicably. I 
did not often come across the princes, though some- 
times I met them out riding, and then we were very 
friendly. Once when I was walking out, I met one 
of the younger ones riding in state on an elephant, 
he forgot to make the usual salutation. This was 
reported to the Maharajah, who sent him with 
Thangal Major to apologize. 

The Manipuris paid very little revenue in money, 
and none in direct taxes. The land all belonged to 
the Rajah, and every holding paid a small quantity 
of rice each year. The chief payment was in 
personal service. This system known by the name 
of "Lalloop," and by us often miscalled "forced 
labour," was much the same as formerly existed in 
Assam under its Ahom Rajahs. According to it, 
each man in the country was bound to render ten 



114 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

days' service out of every forty, to the Eajah, and it 
extended to every class in the community. Women 
vsrere naturally exempt, but, among men, the black- 
smith, goldsmith, carpenters, etc, pursued their 
different crafts in the Rajah's workshops for the 
stated time, while the bulk of the population, the 
field workers, served as soldiers, and made roads or 
dug canals, in fact executed great public works for 
the benefit of the state. 

The system was a good one, and when not car- 
ried to excess, pressed heavily on nobody. It was 
especially adapted to a poor state sparsely populated. 
In such a state, under ordinary circumstances, where 
the amount of revenue is small, and the rate of 
wages often comparatively high, it is next door to 
impossible to carry out many much-needed public 
works by payment. On the other hand, every man 
in India who lives by cultivation, has much spare 
time on his hands, and the " Lalloop " system very 
profitably utilises this, and for the benefit of the 
community at large. I never heard of it being 
complained of as a hardship. The system in Assam 
led to the completion of many useful and magnificent 
public works. High embanked roads were made 
throughout the country, and large tanks, lakes, 
appropriately termed "seas," were excavated under 
this arrangement. Many of the great works of 
former ages in other parts of India are due to some- 
thing of the same kind. 

It was a sad mistake giving up the system 
in Assam, without retaining the right of the 
state to a certain number of days' labour on 
the roads every year, as is the custom to this 



STATE LABOUR. 115 

day, I believe, in Canada, Ceylon, and other 
countries. 

Unfortunately, our so-called statesmen are carried 
away by false ideas of humanitarianism, and a desire 
to pose in every way as the exponents of civilisation, 
that is the last fad that is uppermost, and the 
experience of ages and the real good of primitive 
people are often sacrificed to this ignis fatuus. I 
hear that " Lalloop " has been abolished in Manipur 
since we took the state in charge. We may live to 
regret it ; the unfortunate puppet Rajah certainly 
will. "Why cannot we leave well alone, and attack 
the real evils of India that remain still unredressed, 
evils that to hear of them, would make the hair of 
any decent thinking man stand on end ? We have 
still to learn that the native system has much good 
in it, much to recommend it, and that it is in many 
cases the natural outgrowth of the requirements of 
the people. 

Manipur in old days required very little to make 
it a model native state of a unique type, and its 
people the happiest of the happy. All it required 
was a better administration of justice, and a few 
smaller reforms, also more enlightened fiscal regula- 
tions such as many European states have not yet 
attained. Given these, no one would have wished 
for more. No one asked for high pay; enough to 
live on, and the system of rewards already in force 
from time immemorial, satisfied all aspirations. The 
people were contented and happy, and it should have 
been our aim and object to keep them and leave 
them so. Shall we have accomplished this desirable 
object when we hand over the state to its future 

I 2 



116 MY BXPEEIBNCES IN MANIPUE. 

ruler, that is if it ever does again come under a 
Native Grovernment ? 

One of the standing grievances of the Grovernment 
of India against Manipur, was the levying of customs 
duties on all articles imported into the state, and on 
some articles exported to British territory. These 
duties supplied almost the only money revenue the 
Maharajah had, and also to some extent protected 
Manipuri industries. During my tenure of office I 
did something towards regulating the system, and 
in the case of articles not produced in Manipur, 
induced the Durbar to lower the rates. In the case 
of cloths, however, I strongly advocated the duties 
being kept up, where, as in the case of coarse cloths 
the imports entered into competition with the ex- 
cellent manufactures of Manipur, which I wished to 
see preserved in all their integrity. 

Our system of free trade has done much to injure 
useful trades in India, and none more than those 
in cotton goods. Among an ignorant people the 
incentives of cheapness and outward appearance are 
so great, that the sudden importation of cheap and 
inferior foreign goods may kill out an ancient art, 
and the people only discover when too late what 
they have lost, and then lament having abandoned 
■^he really good for the attractive flimsy article. 
Thus, in many parts of India, the beautiful chintzes 
which were common thirty-five years ago, are now 
nowhere to be had, and every year sees the decay 
of some branch of manufacture. This was very 
noticeable in Assam, .and the arts there lost were 
only kept up in Manipur, owing to its having a 
Native Court where tradition and taste encouraged 



SLAVERY. 117 

them. Soon after I went to Manipur, I found that 
the valley had almost been drained of ponies by 
their exportation to Cachar. The ministers con- 
sulted me about it, and I gave my consent to the 
trade being stopped, and this was done for years 
until the numbers had again increased. 

On the whole the duties on almost every article 
were lowered during my terra of office, and the 
imports largely increased. Indeed, but for the 
cumbersome system of levying the custom charges, 
they would have been no grievance at all ; and as it 
was they hardly added anything to the cost of the 
articles when sold in Manipur^ many of which could 
be bought for little more than the price paid in 
Cachar, plus the charge for carriage. 

Slavery of a mild form existed in Manipur, the 
slaves being hereditary ones, or people, and the 
descendants of people who had sold themselves for 
debt, their services being pledged as interest for the 
debt. For instance a Naga (a very common case), 
marries a girl of another Naga village, thereby in- , 
curring a debt of forty rupees to the father, that 
being the price of a Naga bride. The man not being 
able to pay, his father-in-law says, " Sell yourself, 
and pay me." This is done, and the man pays the 
forty rupees and has to work for his master till he 
can pay the debt, something being sometimes allowed 
for subsistence, or they agree upon a monthly pay- 
ment, which if not paid is added to the principal. 
The wife probably works and supports the family, 
and, if the creditor is a fairly good fellow, things go 
smoothly, and the debtor never attempts to fulfil his 
obhgations more than he can help. The law allows 



118 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB. 

a man to transfer his services to any one who will 
take up the debt. Here and there great abuses crop 
up, and the master takes advantage of the corrupt 
courts to bind the slave more and more securely in 
the chains of debt, and then every effort is made to 
escape. I often paid the debts of slaves who came 
to me for help and let them work off the money. 
Once a little girl named Nowbee came to me. Her 
mother had sold her to pay her father's funeral 
expenses. She stayed with us, working in the 
nursery for years, and when I left I forgave her 
the remainder of her debt which was unpaid, as, of 
course, I did with all the others. I once offered to 
redeem the mother, who, in turn, had sold herself, but 
the old woman declined, as some one told her that 
we should take her to England, and she was afraid 
to go. Sometimes cases of very cruel ill-treatment 
came before me, 'or cases where people had been 
made slaves contrary to the laws, and then I made a 
strong remonstrance to the Durbar, and insisted on 
justice. Once or twice I took the complainants 
under my protection immediately, and insisted on 
keeping them. One day a young man and a small 
boy came to me for protection : the case was a bad 
one, and I at once took them into my service as the 
best way of settling the difficulty, the young man as 
a gardener and the boy to work in the kitchen and 
wait at table ; both were named " Chowba," i.e. big ; 
a name as common out there as John in England. 
We gave little Chowba clothes, and he stood behind 
my wife's chair at dinner, the first evening crying 
bitterly from fear. However, he learned his work? 
and became an excellent servant. When I went on 



CHILD STEALING. 119 

leave in 1882, I offered to place him with my locum 
tenens, but the boy said, " No, sahib, you have been 
kind to me ; I have broken your things and you 
have threatened to beat me, but have never done so ; 
you have threatened to cut my pay, but have never 
done so ; I will never serve any one but you ! " The 
poor boy kept his word ; he preferred hard toil, cut- 
ting wood and such-like work ; but unfortunately 
died before I returned. 

Another bad case I remember, in which a woman 
complained to me that her child had been stolen 
from her house while she was away. I ordered the 
child to be brought to me ; the poor little thing was 
only four years old, and could hardly stand from 
having been made to walk a great distance by the 
man who had stolen her, and whose only excuse 
was, that her father, who was dead, owed him nine 
rupees. I gave her to her mother, and insisted on 
the Durbar punishing him. The story was a sad one. 
The father of the child, a debtor slave, had been 
told by his master to leave his home and go with 
him, and the man in desperation attempted to kill his 
wife and little girl, and then committed suicide. 

While in Manipur I did all I could to afford re- 
lief in individual cases. It was a great abuse, but 
slavery in Manipur must not be put in the same 
rank as slavery in Brazil, the West Indies, or 
Turkey and Arabia. A thorough reform of the 
judicial system of Manipur would have entirely 
taken the sting out of it. All the same, I wish I 
could have abolished it. 

My wife's nurse very speedily left us, and we 
were left to natives and did much better with them. 



120 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

We always had three or four Naga girls who did 
their work well in a rough-and-ready way. Chow- 
bee, Nembee, and Nowbee, just mentioned, were the 
best, Chowbee was the wife of a Naga bearer 
named Lintoo, and Nembee afterwards married our 
head bearer Horna. We engaged a tailor named 
Suleiman, brother of Sooltan, one of our chuprassies, 
as a permanent servant, to do the ordinary house- 
hold sewing and mending. My two boys, Dick and 
Edward, became very friendly with all the people, 
and were drilled daily by a naick (corporal of my 
escort), and the good-natured sepoys used to allow 
themselves to be drilled by the boys. One after- 
noon, I met these two walking up the lines with my 
orderly. I asked what they were going for, and they 
replied that the sepoys had not done their drill well 
that day, and they were going to give them some 
more. Whenever a new detachment came, the boys 
were formally introduced to the new native officers 
and men. As they grew older they learned to ride, 
and rode out morning and evening when I went for 
a walk. 

As the Burmese difficulty did not show signs of 
decreasing, I went out in February to Kongjang on 
the Yoma range, to reconnoitre and select a place 
for a new stockade, if necessary. At three and a 
half miles on my way, I passed Langthabal, the old 
capital of Grhumbeer Singh, a pretty place where the 
cantonment of the Manipur Levy used to be, and 
where Captain Gordon was buried under a tree. 
The ruined palace lies nesthng under a hill, on a 
spur of which is a magnificent fir tree ; behind the 
palace a garden run to waste and wood, with a few 



LANGTHABAL. 



121 



ponds, formed an admirable cover for ducks, which I 
saw in abundance. After leaving Langthabal, we 
passed a place called Leelong, the place of execution 
for members of the Royal family, who are sewn up in 
sacks and drowned in the river. Farther on is a 
great iishing weir, where a small lake discharges 
itself into a river. At last, after a march of thirty 
miles, I halted at Pullel, a village of low caste Mani- 
puris. Next morning we ascended the Yoma range, 
reaching Aimole, a village picturesquely situated 
and inhabited by a tribe of that name. The head of 
the village was an intelligent old man, who remem- 
bered Captain Grordon and talked a good deal about 
him. I gave him a coat, and the girls and boys of the 
village got up a dance for my benefit, the most graceful 
and modest that I ever saw among a wild people. 

I reached Kongjang in the afternoon, a place 
very picturesquely situated, with a fine view of the 
valley of the Lokchao and the hills beyond, and of a 
portion of the Kubo valley. I selected a spot for a 
stockade, and, after reconnoitring in the neighbour- 
hood, marched back next day to Pullel, and thence to 
Manipur, again passing Langthabal. I never saw 
Langthabal without regretting its abandonment, 
there is something very charming about the situa- 
tion, and it is nearer to Bissenpore on the Oachar 
road than Imphal ; also a few miles nearer the Kubo 
valley. It has always had the reputation of being 
very healthy, which is not invariably the case with 
Imphal, and is, if anything, a little cooler. Before 
leaving in 1886, 1 strongly recommended it as the site 
for a cantonment, in the event of troops being stationed 
in the valley. My recommendation was adopted. 



122 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANITOE. 



CHAPTBE XIV. 

An old acquaintance — Monetary crisis — A cure for breaking crockery — 
Rumour of human sacrifices — Improved postal system — Apricots 
and mulberries — A snake story — Search after treasure — Another 
snake story — ^Visit to Calcutta — Athletics — Ball practice — A near 
shave. 

We had not been dull in the Naga Hills, still less 
in Manipur, for I was always interested in native 
life. Something to vary one's work was constantly 
occurring. 

One day some men in Shan costume came and 
asked me for a pass to enter Burmah. I inquired 
who they were, and one said he was the Chowmengti 
Grohain. I remembered him fourteen years before, 
at Sudya, in Assam, when he was but a boy. He 
was the son of a Khampti chief, long since dead. I 
asked him if he remembered me, and after a minute 
or two, he did. I managed to keep up a conversa- 
tion in Singpho, though I had not spoken it for 
many years, and have never done so since. He was 
going to Mandalay to marry a daughter to the king. 

Time went on fairly smoothly. I was occupied 
all day long, and used to talk for hours to the 
ministers and others who came to see me, while my 
wife looked after the house and children, and taught 
the Naga girls to knit and sew, and other useful 
things. When the weather grew too hot, we 



HOW TO STOP BEEAKAaES. 123 

migrated to Kang-joop-kool, and enjoyed the change. 
About this time much dissatisfaction was caused by 
speculators in the capital hoarding " sel," the coin 
of the country. The usual rate at which they were 
exchanged for the rupee was 480 = 1 rupee, but 
there were occasional fluctuations ; large sums were 
paid in rupees, but the amount was always reckoned 
in sel. Consequently, when the latter were hoarded, 
a man having only rupees in his possession found 
their purchasing power greatly diminished. On 
this occasion, almost all the " sel " in circulation 
were collected in a few hands and a panic was the 
result; the bazaar was in an uproar, and business 
ceased. I spoke to the Maharajah on the subject, 
and represented the very great injury to the country 
that would inevitably result if immediate steps were 
not taken to rectify the mischief done, and urged 
him to issue a large quantity of sel. This he did, 
and the exchange which had gone down to 240, at 
once rose to 400, and at this rate he fixed it, and so 
it remained all the time I was in Manipur. 

Our Naga boys, though intelligent and willing to 
learn, were careless and often worse, as in playing 
and fighting with each other, they broke much 
crockery, and the loss was serious, as it took months 
to replace it. I threatened in vain, as I could not 
bear to make the poor lads pay. At last, in despera- 
tion, I hit iipon a remedy ; I said that the next time 
anything was broken, the breaker should pound it 
up to a fine powder with a pestle and mortar, and 
mix it with water and drink it. This threat had 
some effect, but at last one day the old cook brought 
up Murumbo, our musalchee (i.e. dishwasher) with 



124 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

a vegetable dish in pieces, broken, as usual, in play. 
I said very severely, " Very well, grind it to powder 
in a pestle and mortar, and then you shall mix it 
with water and drink it." So Murumboo sat for 
hours in the sun, pounding away. At last it was 
reduced to a fine powder, and I told him to mix it 
with water and drink it in my presence. Of course, 
what I had foreseen, happened, all the other servants 
headed by the old cook, Horna and Sultan, came up 
and humbly begged that he might be forgiven this 
time, a request which I graciously acceded to, and 
Murumboo went away very penitent. The result 
was excellent, as for the future I hardly lost any 
crockery. Poor Murumboo ; he served me well, and 
became an excellent cook and got a good place when 
I finally left. 

The summer and autumn passed quietly, except 
for a rumour that human sacrifices had been offered 
up, though no actual complaint was made. I believe 
the report to have been true. I had seen enough of 
countries where within a few years they had been 
undoubtedly offered, to know that such things did 
occasionally happen among ignorant people, where 
appeasing evil spirits is a common custom. I took 
such precautions as effectually prevented any re- 
currence of this horrible practice. 

One reform carried out was in our postal arrange- 
ments. When I first arrived, the post, which came 
in every other day, frequently took eight days to 
reach us from Cachar, a distance of 132 miles. By 
altering the system, I reduced it to a maximum of 
four days, though it often came more quickly, and by 
constantly hammering at all concerned, I achieved 



A HIDDEN SNAKE. 125 

the triumpli of a daily post delivered in less than 
two days from Cachar before I left. 

Once when riding between Manipur and Kang- 
joop-kool, I saw, in passing a small bazaar, a woman 
selling apricots. I made inquiries about them, and 
was told that they had existed from time immemorial, 
but that they would give me a violent internal pain 
if I ate them. I did try them, raw and cooked, but 
the statement was quite true, nothing made tbem 
agreeable, and I did suffer pain. They were probably 
introduced from China in early days, and having 
been neglected had degenerated. They blossom in 
January. I tried Himalayan apricots, and the trees 
throve wonderfully, but could never, while I was in 
Manipur, learn to blossom at the right time. They 
blossomed as tbey were accustomed to do in their 
native country, that is three months too late, and the 
fruit was destroyed by the early rains. Perhaps 
they have by this time adapted themselves to the 
climate. I introduced Kabulee mulberries and they 
did well, but those in the valley grew long like the 
Indian variety, while those at Kang-joop-kool were 
shaped like the common European mulberry, and 
very good to eat. 

Another time when out riding in the evening, I 
witnessed a strange sight. I was near Kooak 
Kaithel when I saw a large number of sparrows 
assembled on the road in front, and perched on a 
clump of bamboos near ; others were constantly 
joining them, and numbers were flying to the spot 
from all sides. They first joined the assemblage on 
the road, and then flew up to and around tbe 
bamboos, which were already covered with the first- 



126 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

comers. I asked one of my mounted orderlies what 
it all meant. He said that a snake was concealed 
among the bamboos, and that the birds were come 
to see him and try and drive him out. Whatever 
be the explanation, it was a very interesting sight, 
and I never at any time saw such a large number of 
small birds together. Once when riding along this 
same road, but farther on, in company with Thangal 
Major, I happened to see a deep hole freshly dug in 
the side of a hill, apparently without any object. I 
asked him what it was dug for, and he replied that 
it was probably some refugee returned to the land 
of his ancestors, who had dug it, in search for 
treasure buried during the Burmese invasion by a 
relation, who had left an exact description of the 
spot as a guide to any of his descendants who might 
return. He said that there were many cases of this 
kind. I used to hear the same story many years 
ago in Assam where the truth was never questioned, 
and many were the tumuli that bore the marks of 
having been opened by searchers " for buried gold." 
I never knew of an authentic case of the kind in 
Manipur, but doubtless old Thangal could tell of 
many such ; possibly he 'had shared in the proceeds. 
I have just related a story of birds attacking a 
snake, and I may as well tell another story in which 
one of his tribe was the aggressor. When returning 
from my cottage at Kang-joop-kool, after a day spent 
there in October, I saw an enormous python poised 
up on the high embanked road with its head erect, 
and body and tail in coils on the slope, ready to 
spring on some young buffaloes grazing near; it 
must have been at the lowest estimate thirty feet 



MISS LLOYD ABEIVES. 127 

long and of proportionate thickness. I was too near, 
and riding too fast, to stop my pony, so gave a loud 
shout, and urged him to speed, and the snake turned 
itself back and fell with a crash into a morass by the 
road side, and I saw no more of it. I spoke to 
Thangal Major about it, and he told me that pythons 
were known to exist about the place where I saw 
this. I once shot a young one on the Diphoo Panee 
river, near Sudya, which measured nine feet, and a 
sepoy of my old regiment shot one near Borpathar 
fifteen feet in length. 

Several very deadly snakes abound in Manipur, 
notably the " Tanglei " and the " Ophiophagus," a 
terrible looking creature^ eight to twelve feet in 
length. No house is safe from snakes, and in the 
old Eesidency one fell from the roof once in my 
bedroom, from where a few minutes previously the 
baby's bassinette had hung, so the child had a narrow 
escape. I never dare let the children play alone in 
the garden for fear of their being bitten. 

The extreme loneliness of Manipur, and the 
necessity of leaving my wife and children quite 
alone sometimes, made me very anxious to get some 
trustworthy English nurse for her, but we quite 
failed in doing so. In this emergency, one of her 
sisters volunteered to come out, which was a great 
help and relief. As I had to go to Calcutta to see 
the Viceroy in December, we asked her to meet us 
there. We left Manipur on November 27th, 1878, 
and returned on January 23rd, bringing her with us. 
Kohima was occupied by the Political Agent of the 
Naga Hills (Mr. Daman t), in November, and before 
leaving for Calcutta I had some correspondence 



128 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

with him, and, at his request, sent my escort — 
then consisting of Cachar Frontier Police ; men, for 
service qualities in the hills, far superior to the 
Native Infantry I had — to his assistance. 

In Calcutta, I met Sir Steuart Bayley, who had 
been lately appointed Chief Commissioner of Assam, 
and had interviews with the Viceroy, Lord Lytton, 
and the Foreign Secretary, Mr. (now Sir Alfred) 
Lyall. 

Early in 1879, there was some discontent on 
account of the dearness of rice, owing to a deficient 
crop, but there was no real anxiety, as the stock of 
rice in hand was sufficient. I remember that during 
that time I was rather scandalised at hearing that 
the old Ranee had gone off to Moirang on the Logtak 
lake for change of air, accompanied by a retinue of 
over one thousand persons. Many people had been 
employed for weeks past in building a little tem- 
porary town for their accommodation, and all for five 
days' stay. I remonstrated with Thangal Major at 
this useless waste of resources at a time when food 
was scarce, and told him that he ought to prevent 
such thoughtlessness. He told me, and I believe 
sincerely, that he greatly regretted it, and promised 
to use his influence to amend matters, but said what 
was perfectly true, that if he gave good advice, there 
were plenty of people quite ready to offer the 
reverse, and contradict his statements. I often 
thought what an advantage it would have been, if 
we had insisted on all authority being in the hands 
of one powerful minister responsible to us. Under a 
strong man like Chandra Kirtee Singh there would 
have been some difficulty in arranging it, but under 



ATHLETIC SPORTS. 129 

his weak, though amiable and intelligent successor, 
Soor Chandra, it would have been easy, and would 
have saved us one of the most painful and disgraceful 
episodes in our history. 

Almost every day brought some exciting news 
from the frontier. One day, an incursion by Chussad 
Kukies on the Kubo side ; another, an outrage com- 
mitted by Sookti Kukies. Then a little later a report 
that the Muram Nagas were restless. All these 
reports came to me at once, and I had to decide what 
was to be done. Occasionally an expedition was the 
result, regarding the conduct of which I gave general 
instructions. Sometimes late at night a minister 
came to me in a high state of excitement at some 
outrage on the Burmese frontier, in which, of course, 
every one, from the Court of Mandalay downwards, 
was said to be implicated. Anything against Burmah 
was readily believed, and not without reason, perhaps, 
judging from past history, and I had, on the spur of 
the moment, to decide on the policy to be adopted, 
and calm down and convince my impulsive visitor. 

Manipur is a great place for athletics, and some 
fine wrestling is to be seen there. Athletic sports 
are regularly held at stated periods, sometimes for 
Manipuris, at other times for Nagas. At the last 
there are races run by men, carrying heavy weights 
on their backs. At the conclusion of these exhibi- 
tions of strength and skill, four Manipuris, dressed in 
Naga costume, executed a Naga war dance. This I 
always thought the most interesting part of the 
performance, showing as in many other cases, the tacit 
acknowledgment of a connection with the hill-tribes 
surrounding them. It always reminded me of the 

K 



130 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

same connection between the Rajahs in the hill tracts 
of Orissa, Sumbulpore and Chota Nagpore, and their 
aboriginal subjects. I am rather inclined to believe 
that in the case of Manipur some of the customs 
point distinctly to the Rajahs being descended from, 
or having been originally installed by, the hill-tribes, 
as was notably the case in Keonjhur onq of the 
Cuttack Tributary Mehals, To this subject, however, 
I have already referred. 

During each cold season, I insisted on the 
Manipuri troops being put through musketry practice 
with ball cartridge, and often attended for hours 
together, with the Maharajah, to see how the men 
acquitted themselves. Sometimes the firing went on 
all day, the targets being erected at one end of the 
private polo ground in the palace, with a mountain 
of rice straw in their rear to catch stray bullets. 
Sometimes the bullets went through everything, and 
one evening, as my wife and myself with the children, 
were taking our evening walk, we had ocular 
demonstration of this, as a shot passed close to my 
second boy's (Edward) head. I spoke to Thangal 
Major about it, suggesting that the pile of straw 
should be made thicker, but only elicited the reply, 
'^ Of course, if you go in the line of fire, you must 
expect to be shot." This reminded me of my early 
days in Assam, when my old regimental friend Ross 
shot another friend out snipe shooting. The latter 
complained, but all the satisfaction he got from Ross 
was, " Well, you must have been in the way." 



( 131 ) 



CHAPTEE XT. 

Spring in Manipur — Visit to Kombang — Manlpuri orderlies — Parade of 
the Maharajah's guards — Birth of a daughter — An evening \yallv in 
the capital — Polo — Visit to Caoliar. 

The spring in Manipur is a charming time, the 
nights are still cool, though the days are hot, and 
abundance of flowering trees come into blossom ; 
among them one that attains a considerable size, 
called in Manipuri " Ohinghow." It has two kinds, 
one with pink and the other white and pink flowers. 
Out in the hills are wild pears and azaleas in abun- 
dance, and rhododendrons, while here and there are 
beautiful orchids. The oak forests too are splendid 
with the fresh young leaves, and every hill village 
has peach trees in flower, so that it is a delightful 
season for marching, and one can be out from 
morning till night. I took advantage of the fine 
weather, and early in April again visited the Yoma 
range, and went along the road to Jangapokee 
Tannah, as far as a place called Kombang, 4600 feet 
above the sea. On my way there and back I halted 
at Haitoo-pokpee, 2600 feet above the sea, where 
the thermometer at sunrise stood at 55 and 56 
degrees respectively ; but the day between, when I 
was at Kombang, it was 67 degrees at sunrise, 
the additional elevation raising the thermometer. 

K 2 



132 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

I noticed the plienoraenon over and over again in 
Manipur, and in the cold weather generally found 
the sunrise temperature lower in the valley than in 
the hills. Upland valleys were sometimes colder than 
that of Manipur, and now and then to the north I 
found very great cold prevailing on high land, as at 
Mythephum. The day temperature in the hills was 
invariably lower than that in the valley, in short, 
it was more equable. The road to Kombang was 
pretty, but the place not particularly so. The night 
I was there I heard the loud crackling of a burning 
oak forest set on fire to clear the ground for one crop. 
It is difficult to speak with patience of this abomin- 
able system, which is gradually clearing the hills in 
Eastern India, and destroying valuable timber, while 
it encourages nomadic habits in the tribes. 

Whenever I went on an expedition into the hills, 
besides the usual Manipuri Guard in attendance, four 
or five officers or non-commissioned officers were told 
off to accompany me. Jemadars Thamur Singh, 
Sowpa, Sundha, Thut-t8t, and Thurung were those 
generally sent, excellent men who never left me from 
morning till night, on the hardest march. Many 
was the adventure we had together, and any one 
of them could march fifty miles on end. They 
were well known throughout the hill territory of 
Manipur. A bugler always formed one of my party, 
and it was his duty to sound a lively quick march as 
we approached our camp in the evening. Of course, 
he always got a special reward from me on my 
return to headquarters. 

One day the Maharajah invited me to attend a review 
of his regiment of guards called the " Soor Pultun." 



BIRTH OF A DAUGHTER. 133 

I went, and lie asked me whether he should put 
them through their manoeuvres himself, or let one of 
his officers do it. Not wishing him, as I thought, to 
expose his ignorance, I suggested the last ; hut, to my 
surprise, he conducted the parade himself very credit- 
ably, giving the word of command in English with 
great clearness. The men's m.arching was poor, and 
the step not free enough, but otherwise they did 
well. They were fairly well up in the Light 
Infantry exercises of ten years bade, and their drill 
generally was a slight modification of that of 1859. 
On this, as on most occasions, when an invitation was 
sent by the Maharajah, it was conveyed by two or 
three officers of not lower rank than that of subadar 
or captain, and generally by word of mouth. If I 
was away in camp all communications were by letter, 
sometimes accompanied by a verbal message. 

On February 28th, 1879, we were gladdened by the 
birth of a little daughter. Being a girl, her arrival 
did not cause as much excitement as Arthur's, but 
when she was old enough to be carried out in a small 
litter, all the population turned out to see her, and 
passers-by would sometimes offer her a flower. How 
interesting our daily walks were. Turning to the 
left, after leaving our gate by the guard-house, we 
passed along by the wide moat surrounding the 
palace, and in which as has been said the great annual 
boat races were held. There, might be seen women 
^vashing their babies by the waterside in wooden 
tubs, cut out of a single block bought for the purpose. 
At every step, if in the evening, we passed or were 
passed by gaily clad women carrying baskets of 
goods to sell in the great bazaar, " Sena Kaithel," i.e., 



134 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

Golden Bazaar, assembled opposite the great gate of 
the palace, the picturesque structure already alluded 
to. In this bazaar the women sat in long rows on 
raised banks of earth, without any other covering 
in the rainy weather than large umbrellas. Here 
could be bought cloth of all kinds, ornaments, rice, 
etc., fowls and vegetables. Dogs were also sold for 
food. As a rule, articles of food other than fowls, 
were more plentiful in the morning bazaar. BHnd 
people and other beggars would post themselves in 
different parts of the market, and women as they 
passed would give them a handful of rice, or any 
other article of food tliey possessed. Women are the 
great traders, and many would walk miles in the 
morning, and buy things in the more distant bazaars 
to sell again in the capital in the evening. It was 
not considered etiquette for men too often to frequent 
the bazaars, and few Manipuris did so, but crowds of 
hill-nien were constantly to be seen there, and it pre- 
sented a very gay and animated scene, the contrast 
between the snow-white garments of Manipuri men, 
the parti-coloured petticoats of the women, and the 
many-coloured clothes of the hill-men being very 
picturesque. Opposite the great gateway on the 
right-hand side, Royal proclamations were posted up. 
There, too, in presence of all the bazaar, offenders 
were flogged, generally with the utmost severit3\ This 
was, I am sorry to say, rather an attractive spectacle 
to foreigners. Going through the bazaar along a fine 
broad road, the only masonry bridge in the country was 
seen crossing the river, and on the opposite bank the 
road turned sharp to the left, and went off to Cachar. 
Before crossing it, and to the left was a piece of 



POLO. 135 

waste ground with, a rather ill-looking tree in it, 
under which men were executed. Opposite, and to 
the right of the road, was the sight of the morning- 
bazaar. Here I have seen boat-loads of pine-apples 
landed, fruit that would have done credit to Covent 
Garden. 

Between the Eesidency grounds, the " Sena 
Kaithel " and the great road, was the famous polo 
ground, where the best play in the world might be 
seen. There was a grand stand for the Royal family 
on the western side, and one for myself on the north. 
Sunday evening was the favourite day, and then the 
princes appeared, and in earlier days the Maharajah, 
In my time one of the Maharajah's sons, Pucca Sena, 
and the artillery major, were the champion players. 
In Manipur, every man who can muster a pony 
plays, and every boy who cannot, plays on foot. 

But to continue our walk. Passing the bazaar, 
we still skirt the palace, meeting fresh groups and 
turning sharp round at one of the angles of the 
moat, here covered with water lilies, come upon an 
exceedingly picturesque temple once shaded witb a 
peepul tree (Freds religiosa) ; this tree was torn off 
by the great earthquake of June 30th, 1880. After- 
wards taking two turns to tbe right, and one to the 
left, and crossing a most dangerous-looking bamboo 
bridge, we came upon a piece of woodland on the 
opposite bank of the stream. This is tlio " Mah 
Wathee," a bit of forest left as it originally was for 
the wood spirits. It is now filled with monkeys, 
which are great favoui'ites with my children who 
have brought rice for them which causes great 
excitement. But it is soon bedtime for the young 



136 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

raonkeys, and the river being deep, they spring on 
to the backs of their mothers who swim across with 
them in the most human fashion. Saying good- 
night to the monkeys, we go homewards, passing 
Moirang Khiing, a tumulus said to be the site of a 
battle between the Mungang and Moirang tribes ; 
to this day a Moirang avoids it. We pass a couple 
of boys riding jauntily on one pony, determined to 
get as much pleasure out of life as they can. Finally, 
we reach home in time for a game with the children, 
and dinner. 

I have alluded to the high esteem in which the 
game of polo was held in this, its native home, and 
of the splendid play that could be seen on Sundays. 
I never played myself, much as I should have enjoyed 
it. Had I been a highly experienced player, able to 
contend with the best in Manipur, I might have done 
so ; but I did not think I was justified, holding the 
important position I did, in running the risk of being 
hustled and jostled by any one with whom I played : 
men whom I was bound to keep at arm's length. 
Had I done so I should have lost influence. I could 
not be hail-fellow-well-met, and though talking 
freely with all, I at once checked all disposition to 
familiarity, and people rarely attempted it. 

Colonel McOulloch, it is true played, but he began 
life in Manipur as an Assistant Political Agent, and 
also did not succeed to office as I did, when our 
prestige had dwindled down to nothing. 

In September 1879, hearing that Sir Steuart 
Bayley, Chief Commissioner and Acting Lieut.- 
Grovernor of Bengal, was about to visit Cachar, I 
went there to see him, performing the double journey 



SIU STEUART BAYLEY. 137 

including a nigKt there, in less than seven days. It 
was the first time I had made the march in the rainy 
season, and I was greatly struck by the extreme 
beauty of the scenery which was much enhanced by 
the number of waterfalls, that a month later would 
have been dry. The masses of clouds and the clear- 
ness of the air when rain was not falling, added 
greatly to the effect, and I enjoyed the journey till 
I got to the low-lying land. There the mud, slush, 
and great heat were unpleasant. It was very satis- 
factory to be able to discuss the affairs of Manipur 
with the Chief Commissioner, as though I was not 
then directly under him, I was from my position 
very dependent on him, and was anxious to hear 
his views on many subjects. 



138 MY BXPBBIBNOES IN MANIPUR. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Punishment of female criminals — A man saved from execution — A Kuki 
executed — Old customs abolished — Anecdote of Ghumheer Singh — 
The Mauipuri army — Effort to re-organise Manipur levy — System of 
rewards — " Nothing for nothing " — An English school — Hindoo 
festivals — Eainbows — View from Kang-joop-kool, 

Manipur professed to follow the old Hindoo laws, 
and accordingly no woman was ever put to death, or 
to very severe punishment. When one was con- 
victed of any heinous or disgraceful offence she was 
exposed on a high platform in every bazaar in the 
country, stripped to the waist, round which a rope, 
one end of which was held by her guard, was tied 
and her breasts painted red. A crier at the same 
time proclaimed her crime, and with a loud voice 
called out from time to time, " Come and look at this 
naughty woman ! " 

Exposure on a platform was also a punishment 
inflicted occasionally on male offenders. Sometimes 
it was followed by death. Once I saved a man from 
this part of the sentence, his crime being one for 
which our law would not have exacted so severe a 
penalty. Fortunately, I heard in time, and a message 
to the Maharajah in courteous, but unmistakable 
terms, brought about a remission of the capital 
portion. The ministers generally consulted me 
before carrying out senteiace of death. Once in a 



EXECUTIONS. 139 

case of murder by a Kuki they asked my opinion, so 
I requested them to send the man to me that I might 
examine him myself. This was done, and as he 
confessed openly to being guilty, I told them they 
might execute him, and as an after-thought said 
" How shall you put him to death ? " Bularaam 
Singh replied, " According to the custom of Manipur, 
in the way in which he committed the murder. As 
he split his victim's head open with an axe so will 
his head be split open." I said " I have no objection 
in this case on the score of humanity, but it is not a 
pretty mode of execution ; some day there will be a 
case accompanied by circumstances of cruelty, when J 
shall be obliged to interfere ; so take my advice, and 
on this occasion and all future ones, adopt decapitation 
as the mode of carrying out a death sentence. You 
can do it now with a good grace, and without any 
apparent interference on my part to offend your 
dignit3^" Old Bularaam Singh said, " Oh no, the 
laws of Manipur are unalterable, we cannot change ; 
we must do as we have always done." I said, 
" Nonsense, my old friend, go with Chumder Singli 
(my native secretary and interpreter) and give my 
kind message to the Maharajah, and say what I 
advise, as his friend." In half-an-hour Chumder 
Singh returned with an assurance that my advice 
was accepted, and from that time decapitation was 
the form of capital punishment adopted. 

I never knew a case of torture being employed, 
but otherwise the laws were carried out with 
severity. Ghumbeer Singh (reigned 1825-34) 
occasionally tore out an offender's eyes, but such 
things had been forgotten in the days of his son, and 



140 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

though the Grovernment was strong, probably there 
were fewer acts of cruelty than in most native states. 
Once when Ghumbeer Singh had lately introduced 
tame geese into the country ; he gave two to a 
Brahmin to take care of. It was reported that a 
goose was dead, " Tell the Brabmin to eat it," said 
the indignant Rajah. The severity of sucb an order 
to a Hindoo will be appreciated, by any one knowing 
what loss of caste entails. Grhumbeer Singh's orders 
were always implicitly obeyed, so I am afraid that 
the sentence was carried into effect. 

The army consisted of about 5000 men at the out- 
side, in eight regiments of infantry and an artillery 
corps. The famous cavalry was a thing of the past, 
and many of the infantry were quite unacquainted 
with drill. There were eight three-pounder brass 
guns, and two seven-pounder mountain guns given 
as a reward for services in the Naga Hills, one of 
which did admirable service in the Burmese war. 
Most of the infantry were armed with smooth-bore 
muskets, some being of the Enfield pattern. Besides 
the above, there were about 1000 to 12,000 Kuki 
Irregulars, A Manipuri military expedition was a 
strange sight, the men besides their arms and 
ammunition carrying their spare clothes, cooking 
vessels, food, etc., on their backs. All the same, they 
could make long and tiring marches day after day 
on poor fare and without a complaint, and at the end 
of a hard day would hut themselves and fortify their 
position with great skill, however great the fatigue 
they had undergone. It was a standing rule that 
in an enemy's country a small force should always 
stockade itself, and a Manipuri army well commanded 



A MANIPURI TEIUMPH. 141 

was then able to hold its own against a sudden attack. 
On their return from a successful expedition the 
troops were greatly honoured, and the general in 
command accorded a kind of triumph, and it was an 
interesting sight to see the long thin line of pic- 
turesque and often gaily-clad troops, regulars and 
irregulars winding their way through the streets 
and groves of the capital bearing with them spoils 
and trophies gained in war. Here a party headed 
by banners, there some Kukis beating small gongs 
and chanting in a monotonous tone. Finally, after 
inarching round two sides of the palace, they enter 
by the great gate, pass between the Chinese walls, 
and again between the two lions (so called), and 
being received by the Maharajah at the Gate of 
Triumph, their General throws himself at his feet and 
receives his chief's benediction, the greatest reward 
that he can have. 

I realised from the first that it would be an 
immense advantage to reconstitute the Manipur 
Levy, and keep up a permanent force of 800 men 
under my direct orders, properly paid, armed, clothed 
and disciplined. I foresaw that a war with Burmah 
was a mere qiiestion of time, and wished to have a 
force ready, so as to enable the British Government 
to act with effect at a moment's notice through 
Manipur, on the outbreak of hostilities. Regular 
troops eat no more than irregular, and are ten times 
as valuable. My plan was to have 800 men enlisted, 
of whom 200 would have come on duty in rotation, 
according to the Manipur system, all being liable to 
assemble at a moment's notice. Thus a splendid 
battalion of hardy men could have been formed. 



142 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

v/itli which I could have marched to Mandalay. 
Such a force would have been absolutely invaluable 
when the war broke out in 1885, men able to stand 
the climate, march, fight, row boats, dig, build 
stockades, in fact do all that the best men could be 
called upon to do. However, to my great disappoint- 
ment, the idea did not commend itself to Government, 
and I never ceased to regret it, I often later on 
thought of the lives and money that might have been 
saved in 1885-86 had we been better prepared, the 
cost of the proposed levy would have been trifling. 

One part of the Manipuri system ever struck me 
as very admirable, and I tried always to encourage 
it; that was the system of rewarding services by 
honorary distinctions. The permission to wear a 
peculiar kind of turban, coat, or feather, or to assume 
a certain title was more valued than any money 
reward, and men would exert themselves for years 
for the coveted distinction. It is charmino; to see 
such simple tastes and to aspire no higher than to 
do one's duty and earn the approval of our fellow- 
creatures. 

One day the two ministers Thangal Major and 
Bularaam Singh came to see me, accompanied by 
old Rooma Singh Major. They looked rather un- 
easy, and I suspected something was coming out. 
Presently Thangal rose and saluted me, and said, 
" The Maharajah has promoted us to be generals." 
I received the intelligence without any enthusiasm, 
feeling assured that the act had been dictated by a 
desire to give them a more high-sounding title than 
my military one, I being then only a lieut.-colonel. 
It was in fact a piece of self-assertion. Any one 



NEW TITLES. " 143 

understanding Asiatics will know what I mean, and 
that I knew instinctively it was a move in the game 
against me which I ought to check. I coldly replied 
that of course the Maharajah would please himself, 
but that I loved old things, old names, and old faces, 
and that I had so many pleasant associations with 
the old titles that I could not bring myself to use 
the new ones, and should continue to call them by 
the dear old name of Major. I then shook hands 
with them most cordially and said good-bye, and 
they left rather crestfallen, Avhere they had hoped 
and intended to be triumphant. I may as well tell 
the remainder of the story. Time after time was I 
begged to address my three friends as " General," 
but I was inexorable, and the titles almost fell into 
disuse among the Manipuris who had at first adopted 
them. Old Thangal once had a long talk about it, 
and I said plainly, "I give nothing for nothing: 
some day when you do something I shall address 
you as Greneral." Years passed. I went on leave, 
and my locum tenens too good-naturedly gave in, and 
addressed them as Greneral, and even induced the 
Chief Commissioner of the day to do likewise. When 
he wrote to me and told me of it, I was naturally not 
very pleased, and mentioned it to an old Indian 
friend, who said, " Well, you will have to do the 
same now that the Chief Commissioner has." How- 
ever, I was not going to swerve from my word. I 
returned to Manipur, and one of the ministers met 
me on the boundary river. I again greeted him as 
"Major Sahib," and immediately the new titles 
again began to fall into disuse. I told the Chief 
Commissioner my views when I next met him, 



144 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

and he approved, as I said I could not alter my 
word. 

Some time after this I again renewed efforts that 
I had long been making for the establishment of an 
English school in Manipur. The Durbar naturally 
objected ; wisely from their point of view, they knew 
as well as I did that the fact of their subjects learning 
English would eventually mean a better administra- 
tion of justice, and a gradual sweeping away of 
abuses, I felt, however, that the time was come, 
and I urged the question with great force, and one 
day said to the ministers, " You have long wanted to 
be addressed as ' General,' and I told you that when 
you did something worthy of it I should do so. 
Now the day that the Maharajah gives his consent 
to an English school being established, I shall 
address you as General." A few days afterwards 
the Maharajah's consent was brought. I immediately 
stood up and shook hands most warmly with them, 
saying, "I thank you cordially, Generals." From 
that day the question was finally set at rest, after 
years of longing on the part of the old fellows. We 
had always understood each other, and they felt and 
respected the part I had taken, and, I believe, valued 
their titles all the more from my not having given 
in at once. 

The Kath Jatra Festival, i.e., the drawing of the 
Car of Juggernaut, is greatly honoured in Manipur, 
and every village has its Eath (car). The Dewali, 
the feast of lights, is also faithfully kept. Also the 
Eathwal, one of the feasts of Krishna, when there 
are many dances, and an enormous bird is cleverly 
constructed of cloth with a bamboo framework, and 



FESTIVALS. 145 

a man inside, who struts about to the delight of the 
children. The Koli Saturnalia is also duly cele- 
brated ; the red powder " Abeer," is thrown about 
amongst those who can get it, and the burning of 
the temporary shrines lights up the sky at night, 
and the holes where the poles stood, are a fertile 
source of danger to ponies and pedestrians for weeks 
afterwards. The Durga Poojah is kept, but is a 
feast of minor importance. At the Rath Jatra the 
number of people drawn together was enormous, 
and the white mass could be very distinctly seen 
from Kang-joop-kool with a telescope, when the 
weather was clear. This view was sometimes 
obscured by clouds, and often when staying there 
did I wake up to see the whole of the valley filled 
up with fog, like a vast sea of cotton-wool, stretch- 
ing across to the Yoma range of hills many miles 
away. 

LxTuar rainbows were not uncommon in Manipur, 
and I often saw them from Kang-joop-kool. Often, 
too, from thence have I seen a complete solar rain- 
bow, each end resting on the level surface of the 
valley. Once, in riding to Sengmai on a misty 
morning, I saw a white rainbow rising from the 
ground ; a fine and weird sight it was. 

The view over the valley at night from the sur- 
rounding hills was sometimes wonderful. I never 
shall forget one night in the rainy season, when the 
moon was shining brightly in the valley, but obscured 
from my view by an intervening cloud ; the bright 
reflection on the watery plain sent out a long stream 
of light wbich brightened up the glistening temples 
of the Oapelat. This, and the dim hills in the distance, 



146 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB. 

and the whole amphitheatre enclosed by them lighted 
up faintly, while the dark threatening cloud hanging 
in air between me and the rising moon, that had not 
yet apparently reached my level (I was 2500 feet 
above the valley, and seemed to be looking down on 
the moon), made a picture never to be forgotten. 



( 147 ) 



CHAPTER XVII. 

Mr. Damant — The Naga Hills — Eumours on which I act — News of revolt 
in Naga Hills and Mr. Damant's surrender — Maharajah's loyalty — 
March to the relief of Kohima — Belief of Kohima — Incidents of siege 
— Heroism of ladies — A nohle defence. 

Ijst November, 1878, Mr. Damant removed the head- 
quarters of the Naga Hills District from Samagud- 
ting to Kohima, and established himself there vs^ith 
his party, in two stockades. He had a very ample 
force for maintaining his position, but he had not 
sufficient to make coercing a powerful village an 
easy task. He was an able man, with much force of 
character, high-minded and upright, and had been 
greatly respected in Manipur, where he acted as 
Political ^gent for some months after Dr. Brown's 
death. He was also a scholar, and was perhaps the 
only man of his generation in Assam capable of 
taking a comprehensive view of the languages of the 
Eastern Frontier, and searching out their origin. 
His premature death was an irreparable loss to 
philology. 

With all this he had not had sufficient experience 
with wild tribes to be a fit match for the astute 
Nagas, and was constantly harassed by the difficulty 
in the way of securing supplies, which ought to have 
been arranged for him, in the early days of our 

L 2 



148 MY EXPEEipNCES IN MANIPUB. 

occupation of Samagudting, by making terms with 
the Nagas as to providing food carriage. It was his 
misfortune that he inherited an evil system. We 
had been forced into the hills by the lawlessness of 
the Naga tribes, and we ought to have made them 
bear their full share of the inconveniences attendant 
on our occupation, instead of making our own people 
suffer. 

Mr. Damant at first contemplated getting his 
supplies from Manipur, through the Durbar, but 
they objected, it being their traditional policy to 
prevent the export of rice for fear of famines, the 
distance and cost of transport making the import, in 
case of scarcity, an impossibility. I declined to put 
pressure, as I saw the reasonableness of the Durbar 
argument, and I objected to force the hill population 
of Manipur to spend their time in carrying heavy 
loads, to save the turbulent and lazy Angamis. In 
September, 1879, however, I heard a rumour from 
native sources that Mr. Damant was in great diiE- 
culties and straits for want of provisions,* and I 
wrote and told him that if it were true, I would make 
every effort to send him some supplies, and to help 
him in every way I could. I did not receive any 
answer to this letter, and subsequently ascertained 
that it had never reached him. 

' I knew the Angamis well, and was very anxious 
about Mr. Damant and his party, and felt sure that 
some trouble was at hand. 

About this time my wife's health began to give 
me much anxiety ; she had one or two severe attacks 
of illness, and was much reduced in strength. Who 

* It will be seen later on that this rumoiir was not correct. — Ed. 



EBPORT OP DISASTBE, 149 

that has not experienced it can imagine the terrible, 
wearing anxiety of life on a distant frontier, without 
adequate medical aid for those nearest and dearest 
to us. She was better, though still very weak, when 
an event occurred that shook the whole frontier. 

Early in the morning of October 21st, I received 
a report from Mao Tannah, the Manipuri outpost on 
the borders of the Naga Hills, to the effect that a 
rumour had reached the officer there, that the 
Mozuma Nagas had attacked either Kohima, or a 
party of our men somewhere else, and had killed one 
hundred men. I have already mentioned my anxiety 
about Mr. Damant's position, and there was an air of 
authenticity about the report which made me feel 
sure that some catastrophe had occurred, and that he 
was in sore need. I said to Thangal Major, " We 
will take off fifty per cent, for exaggeration, and 
even then the garrison of Kohima will be so Weakened 
that it is sure to be attacked, and there will be a 
rising in the Naga Hills." 

I instantly took my resolve and detained my 
escort of the 34th B.I., which had just been 
relieved by a party of Frontier Police, and was 
about to march for Cachar. I also applied to the 
Maharajah for nine hundred Manipuris, and sufficient 
coolies to convey our baggage. He at once promised 
them, and I made arrangements to march as soon as 
the men were ready ; but there was some delay, as 
the men had to be collected from distant villages. 
The next morning, before sunrise, Thangal Major 
came to see me, bringing two letters from Mr. 
Cawley, Assistant Political Agent, Naga Hills, and 
District Superintendent of Police. The letters told 



150 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

me that Mr. Damant had been killed by the Konoma 
men, and that he and the remainder were besieged 
in Kohima, and sorely pressed by Nagas of several 
villages. Immediately after this, the Maharajah 
himself came and placed his whole resources at my 
disposal, and asked me what I would have. I said 
two thousand men, and he replied that that was the 
number he himself thought necessary, and asked if 
he should fire the usual five alarm guns, as a signal 
to call every able-bodied man to the capital. I con- 
sented, and in ten minutes they thundered forth 
their summons. Coolies to carry the loads were the 
chief difficulty, as they, being hill-men, lived at a 
greater distance. I also despatched a special mes- 
senger to Oachar to ask for more troops and a doctor ; 
and I made arrangements for assisting them on the 
road. I despatched two hundred Manipuris by a 
difficult and little-frequented path to Paplongmai 
(Kenoma*), to make a diversion in the rear of 
Konoma, as, from all I heard, it seemed that the 
astute Mozuma was not involved. I sent on a man 
I could trust to the Mozuma people, to secure their 
neutrality. I also sent my Naga interpreter, 
Patakee, to Kohima, to do his best to spread dis- 
sension amongst its seven difierent clans and prevent 
their uniting against me. I gave him a pony, and 
told him to ride it till it dropped under him, and 
then to march on foot for his life, and promised him 
200 rupees reward if he could deliver a letter to Mr. 
Cawley before the place fell. In the letter I begged 
Mr. Cawley to hold out to the last as I was marching 
to his assistance. 

* A different place from Konoma. — Ed. 



MAECH TO KOHIMA. 151 

One day, about a year before, a fine young Naga 
of Viswema, a powerful village of 1000 houses, a few- 
miles beyond the frontier of Manipur and right on 
our track, had come to me and asked me to take him 
into my service. I did so, thinking he might be 
useful some day, and now that the day had arrived, 
I sent him off to his people to win them over, 
threatening to exterminate them if they opposed my 
march. 

I had fifty men of the Oachar Police and thirty- 
four of the 34th B.I., including two invalids, one of 
them a Naik, by name Buldeo Doobey, who came out of 
hospital to go with me, as I wanted every man who 
could shoulder a musket. For the same reason I 
enlisted a volunteer, Narain Singh, a fine fellow, a 
Jat* from beyond Delhi, who had served in the 
35 th B.I., so he took a breach-loader belonging to a 
sick man of the 34th. I shall refer to him again. 
He carried one hundred and twenty rounds of ball 
cartridge on his person, three times as much as the 
men of the 34th. I sent off my combined escort with 
all the Manipuris who were ready under Thangal 
Major, and stayed behind to collect and despatch 
supplies and write official letters and send off tele- 
grams to Sir Steuart Bay ley, and on the 23rd rode 
out, and caught up my men at Mayang Khang, forty 
mi4es from Manipur. The rear-guard of the 34th 
had not come up when I went to bed that night 
at 11 P.M. 

I left my poor wife still very weak and I was 
thankful that she had her good sister as a stay and 
support. Just before leaving, our youngest boy 

* A Sikh.— Ed. 



152 MY EXPBKIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

Arthur held out his arms to be taken. I paused 
from my work for a moment and took him. It was 
the last time I saw him. Sad as was my parting, I 
rode off in high spirits ; who would not do so when 
he feels that he may be privileged to do his country 
signal service ! Besides, 1 hoped to find all well 
when I returned. 

We left Mayang Khang on October 24th and 
marched to Mythephum, twenty miles along a 
terribly difficult mountain path, much overgrown by 
jungle. It was all I could do to get the 34th along, 
as they were completely knocked up. I had a pony 
which I lent for part of the way to one of my 
invalids and so helped him on. I was continually 
obliged to halt myself and wait for the stragglers, 
cheer them up, and then run to the front again. 
Narain Singh was invaluable and seemed not to 
know fatigue. We reached Mythephum after dark, 
but the rear-guard did not arrive till next morning. 

At Mythephum I mustered my forces. The Ma- 
harajah had sent the Jubraj and Kotwal Koireng 
with me (little did I think of the fate in store for 
them and for old Thangal*) and found that very few 
Mauipuris had arrived, and almost all of the force 
with me were so knocked up that, to my intense 
disappointment, I had to make a halt. I was too 
restless to sit still, so spent the day in reconnoitring 
the country. In the evening I had an interview 
with Thangal Major and afterwards with the Jubraj. 

* The Jubraj, who afterwards reigned as the Maharajah Soor Chandra 
Singh, died in exile; Kotwal Koireng and Thangal Major were hanged in 
August, 1891, by order of the sentence passed upon them for resisting the 
British Government. — Ed. 



THE JUBEAJ. 153 

Old Thangal was for halting till we could collect a 
large force as he said a large one was required, and 
he begged me to halt for a few days. I finally- 
pointed out that a day's halt might cause the annihi- 
lation of the garrison of Kohima, and said that if the 
Manipuris were not ready to move, I would go along 
with any of my own men who could march. I 
appealed to the Jubraj to support me which he did,* 
and for which I was ever grateful, and we arranged 
to march next day. I found that the Nagas of 
Manipur were infected with a rebellious spirit, and 
not entirely to be depended on, and any vacillation 
on our part mi^ht have been fatal, and would cer- 
tainly have sealed the fate of Kohima. 

We left Mythephum at daybreak on the 26th, and 
marched as hard as we could, as I hoped to cover the 
forty miles to Kohima by nightfall. We stopped to 
drink water at the Mao river, which we forded, and 
to prevent men wasting time, I drew my revolver 
and threatened to shoot any one who dawdled. We 
ascended the steep hillside, and passing through one 
of the villages marched on to Khoijami, a village on 
the Enghsh side of the border. We had been so 
long, owing to the extreme badness of the roads, and 
the fatigue of the men, that we only reached it at 
3 P.M., so I reluctantly halted for the night. 

Here my emissary to Yiswema joined me, and told 
me that he had induced his fellow-villagers to be 
friendly, and that presents would be sent. I sent 
him back to demand hostages, and the formal sub- 

* In 1891, the Jubraj, then the ex-Maharajah, brought forward this fact 
in his appeal to the British Government, as a reason for his restora- 
tion. — Ed. 



154 MY BXPEEIBNCES IN MANIPUE. 

mission of the village, as otherwise I would attack 
them on the morrow and spare no one. It was not 
a time for soft speeches, and I heard rumours that 
we were to be opposed next day. 

Late in the afternoon some Mao Nagas brought 
in seven Nepaulee coolies who had escaped from 
Kohima the previous day, and wandered through 
the jungle expecting every moment to be killed. I' 
gave the Mao men twenty rupees as a reward. The 
Nepaulees said that they had been shut outside the 
gate of the stockade by mistake, and had hidden 
themselves and so got away. Thej^ gave a deplorable 
account of affairs, and said that there was no food, 
and that the ammunition was almost all spent, and 
that two ladies were in the stockade, Mrs. Damant 
and Mrs. Cawley. They stated that Mr. Damant 
was taken unawares and shot dead, and fifty men 
killed on the spot, and that thirty ran away and hid 
in the jungles, some saving their arms, others not. 
Each man had fifty rounds of ball cartridge. Most 
of the rifles lost were breech-loaders. The men told 
me that early that morning they had seen smoke 
rising from Kohima, and thought it might have been 
burned. 

All this made me very anxious, as the men said 
that Mr. Cawley was treating for a safe passage to 
Samagudting. Late in the evening I heard that a 
building inside the stockade had been burned by the 
Nagas, who threw stones wrapped in burning cloth 
on to the thatched roofs. The Nagas in arms were 
said to number six thousand, and they had erected a 
stockade opposite ours from which they fired. The 
fugitives were in a miserable state of semi-starvation, 



UEGENT MESSAGES. 155 

and asliy pale from terror, and seemed more dead 
than alive when they were brought to me. We slept 
on our arms that night, at least such as could sleep, 
and rose at 3 a.m. in case of an attack, that being a 
favourite time for the Nagas to make one. 

When ready, I addressed my men, telling them the 
danger of the enterprise, but assuring them of its 
success, and urging them, in case of my being killed 
or wounded, to leave me and push on to save the 
garrison. I promised the Frontier Police that every 
man should be promoted if we reached Kohima safely 
that night. This promise the Government faithfully 
kept. 

At sunrise I received two little slips of paper 
brought by two Nepaulese coolies who had managed 
to escape, signed by Mr. Hinde, Extra Assistant 
Commissioner, and hidden by them in their hair. 
On them was written : — 

Surrounded by Nagas, cut off from water 
Must he relieved at once. Send flying 
column to bring away garrison at once. 
Relief must be immediate to be of any use 

H. M. Hinde. A. P. A. Kobima. 25 x. 79. 

and — 

We are in extremity, come on sharp 
Kohima not abandoned. 
Kohima not abandoned 

H. M. Hinde. A. P. A. 26 x. 79. 

After getting these, I could not wait any longer, 
and, as the Manipuris were not all ready, I started off 
at once with fifty of them under an old officer, 
Eerungba Polla and sixty of my escort, all that were 
able to make a rapid march, and Narain Singh. We 
carried with us my camp Union Jack. 



156 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

I obtained hostages from Viswema and placed 
them under a guard with orders to shoot them 
instantly, if we were attacked, and on our arrival at 
the village we were well received. At Rigwema, as 
we afterwards discovered, a force of Nagas was 
placed in ambush to attack us, but the precautions 
we took prevented their doing so, and we passed on 
unmolested, and soon had the satisfaction of seeing 
the stockade at Kohima still intact. A few miles 
farther, and on rounding the spur of a hill, the 
stockade appeared in full view and we sounded our 
bugles which were quickly answered by a flourish 
from Kohima. 

We marched on with our standard flying, we 
reached the valley below, we began the ascent of the 
last slope, and forming into as good order as the 
ground would allow, we at last gained the summit 
and saw the stockade, to save which, we had marched 
so far and so well, before us at a distance of one 
hundred yards. 

The garrison gave a loud cheer, which we 
answered, and numbers of them poured out. Messrs. 
Cawley and Hinde grasped my hand, and others of 
the garrison formed a line on either side of the gate- 
way, and we marched in between them. I recog- 
nised many old faces not seen since I had left the 
Naga Hills in 1874, and warmly greeted them ; 
especially Mema Ram, a Subadar in the Frontier 
Police ; Kurum Singh, and others. I was told after- 
wards that when Mema Ram first heard that I was 
marching to their relief, he said, " Oh, if Johnstone 
Sahib is coming we are all right." 

I at once told the officers of the garrison that 







^W 



SO 
Ah ^ 



BELIEF OP KOHIMA. 157 

there could be no divided authority, and that they 
must consider themselves subject to my orders, to 
which they agreed. I then saw the poor widowed 
Mrs. Damant, and Mrs. Oawley who had behaved 
nobly during the siege. While talking to the last, 
one of her two children asked for some water. Her 
mother said in a feeling tone, " Yes, my dear, you 
can have some now." Seldom have I heard words 
that sounded more eloquent. 

The Manipuris now began to pour in, in one long 
stream, and were greeted by the garrison with 
effusion, and I gave them the site of a stockade that 
had been destroyed by Mr. Cawley, in order to 
reduce the space to be defended as much as possible, 
and told them to stockade themselves, which they 
did at once. After arranging for the defence of our 
position, I sent off a letter to my wife to say that I 
was safe, and that Kohima had been relieved, and 
telegrams to the Chief Commissioner, and Grovern- 
ment of India, to be sent on at once to Cachar, the 
nearest telegraph ofiSce, informing them of the good 
news. 

It appeared from what Mr. Cawley told me, that 
on the 14th of October, Mr. Damant had gone to 
Konoma from Jotsoma, to try and enforce some 
demands he had made. He had been warned several 
times that the Merema Clan of Konoma meant 
mischief, and several Nagas had implored him not to 
go, and finding him deaf to their entreaties, begged 
him to go through the friendly Semema Clan's 
quarter of the village. However, he insisted on 
having his own way, and went to the gate, of the 
Merema Clan at the top of a steep, narrow path. The 



158 MY BXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

gate was closed, and while demanding an entrance, 
he was shot dead. His men were massed in rear of 
him, and a large number were at once shot down, 
while the others took to flight. Some of the 
fugitives reached Kohima that night, and Mr. 
Cawley at once, grasping the gravity of the situa- 
tion, pulled down one stockade, and dismantled the 
buildings as already related, concentrating all his 
men in the other, and making it as strong as possible. 
The neighbouring villages had already risen, and 
were sending contingents to attack Kohima. 

Mr. Cawley had just time to send a messenger to 
Mr. Hinde, the extra-Assistant Commissioner at 
Woka, a distance of sixty-three miles, ordering him 
to come in with the detachment of fifty police under 
him. These orders Mr. Hinde most skilfully carried 
out, by marching only at night, and on the 19 th he 
reached Kohima, thus strengthening the garrison 
and making it more able to hold its own, for the 
number of the attacking party now greatly in- 
creased. 

Most fortunately, owing to the zealous care of 
Major T. N. Walker, 4:4th R. L. Infantry, there 
were some rations in reserve for the troops, which 
were shared with the non-combatants and police. 
These he had insisted on being collected and stored 
up, when he paid a visit of inspection to Kohima 
some months before. But for this small stock the 
place could not have held out for two days, but must 
inevitably have fallen, as all supplies were cut off 
during the progress of the siege. The water was 
poisoned by having a human head thrown into it. 
The Nagas fired at the stockade continually, but 



EESULT OP A SXJREENDEE. 1S9 

made no regular assault. They seemed to have tried 
picking off every man who showed himself, and 
starving out the garrison. The quantity of jungle 
that had been allowed to remain standing all round 
afforded them admirable cover, and, as before 
stated, they erected another small stockade from 
which to fire. This they constantly brought nearer 
and nearer by moving the timbers. 

At length, the garrison wearied out, entered into 
negotiations, and agreed to surrender the stockade, 
if allowed a free passage to Samagudting. This 
fatal arrangement would have been carried into effect 
within an hour or two, had not my letter arrived 
assuring them of help. What the result would 
have been no one who knows the Nagas can doubt ; 
545 headless and naked bodies would have been lying 
outside the blockade. Five hundred stands of arms, 
and 250,000 rounds of ammunition would have been 
in possession of the enemy, enough to keep the hills 
in a blaze for three years, and to give employment 
to half-a-dozen regiments during all that time, and 
to oblige an expenditure of a million sterling, to say 
nothing of valuable lives.* 

Throughout the siege, Mrs. Damant, and Mrs. 
Cawley had displayed much heroism. The first 
undertook to look after the wounded, and went to 
visit them daily, exposed to the enemy's fire. Mrs. 
Cawley took charge of the women and children of 

* The savage mode in whicli the Nagas conduct their warfare is vividly 
described by a correspondent of the Englishman writing from Cachar, 
January 28, 1880, after a raid on the Baladhun Tea Gardens by a band 
of the same tribe as those of Konoma. He ends with " The whole was a 
horribly sickening scene, and a complete wreck ; and such surely as none 
but the veriest of devils in human form could have perpetrated." — Ed. 



160 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

the sepoys, and looked after them, keeping them 
in a sheltered spot. The poor little children could 
not understand the situation at all, or why it was 
that the Nagas were firing. 

The casualties would have been more numerous 
than they were, but that the Nagas were careful of the 
cherished ammunition, and seldom fired, unless pretty- 
sure of hitting. All the same^ the situation was a 
very critical one, and not to be judged by people 
sitting quietly at home by their firesides. It is 
certainly a very awful thing, after a great disaster 
and massacre, to be shut up in a weak stockade built 
of highly inflammable material, and surrounded by 
6000 howling savages who spare no one. In ad- 
dition to that too, to have the water supply cut off, 
and at most ten days' full provision ; for this was 
what it amounted to. It must be also remembered 
that the non-combatants far out-numbered the com- 
batants, and that the two officers who undertook the 
defence were both civilians. Anyhow, the view 
taken of it by the defenders is shown by the fact that 
they were willing to surrender to the enemy, rather 
than face the situation and its terrible uncertainty 
any longer, as they were quite in doubt as to 
whether relief was coming or whether their letters 
having miscarried they would be left to perish. 

Looking back, after a lapse of fifteen years, and 
calmly reviewing the events connected with the 
siege of Kohima, I think I was right at the time in 
describing the defence as a " noble one." 



( 161 ) 



CHAPTER XYIII. 

Eeturning order and confidence — Arrival of Major Evans — Arrival of 
Major Williamson — Keeping open communication — Attack on Phe- 
sama — Visit to Manipur — General Nation arrives — Join him at 
Suchema — Prepare to attack Konoma — Assault of Konoma. 

Early on the morning of the 28 th, I took out all the 
men I could collect and set to work to clear away the 
jungle in the neighbourhood of the stockade so as to 
give no covert to enemies. I also did my utmost to 
collect supplies. Kohima, with its twelve hundred 
houses, was able to give a little, and I sent to distant 
villages. I also sent to the head-man of Konoma to 
ask for Mr. Damant's body. The man at once sent 
in the head, but said that the body had been de- 
stroyed. A true statement, I have no doubt, as the 
head is all the Nagas value, and the body would have 
been given up instantly had it existed. His signet 
ring, and several other little articles were also sent. 
The head was buried with due honours, the Manipuri 
chiefs drawing up their men and saluting as the 
funeral procession passed. The Jubraj, Soor Chandra 
Singh, spoke very feelingly on the subject. 

The watercourse, which formerly supplied the gar- 
rison, had been diverted, and the only other supply 
had been, as already stated, poisoned by a head being 
thrown into it. My first business was to see that the 

M 



162 MT EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

water communication was restored, to every one's 
comfort. Some of my old acquaintances among the 
Nagas began to come in, and there was a great 
disposition to be friendly. 

The next day a sepoy of the 43rd, who had escaped 
the massacre and lived in the jungle, was brought in 
by some friendly Nagas. He was almost out of his 
mind, and nearly speechless from terror, and could 
not walk, so was carried on the man's back. 

I made up my mind to attack Konoma as soon as 
I could, and the people knowing this, tried negotia- 
tions with my Manipuri allies. So great was the 
fear we inspired that at first I believe I could without 
diflSculty have imposed more severe terms than were 
obtained later on after four months' fighting. With 
Asiatics especially, everything depends on the 
vigour with which an enterprise is pushed for- 
ward. The Nagas never expecting an attack from 
the side of Manipur, were at first paralysed. All 
the villages were without any but the most rudi- 
mentary defences, in addition to those which nature 
had given them from their position ; not one of them 
could have stood against a well-directed attack. 

I was in the midst of my preparations when, on 
the 30th October, Major (now Major-General) Evans, 
of the 43rd Assam Light Infantry, arrived with two 
hundred men, who had come with him from Dibroo- 
gurh. I also received a telegram saying that Greneral 
Nation was coming up with one thousand men and 
two inountain-guns, and might be expected on the 
9 th November. I was also given strict orders to 
engage in no active operations till his arrival. These 
orders I at first disregarded, feeling the urgent 



UNFORTUNATE INTERFBRENOB. 163 

necessity of instant action before the Nagas had time 
to recover from their surprise. However, next day 
the order was reiterated so strongly, and in the 
Chief Commissioner's name, that, believing that the 
Grovernment had some special reason for the order, 
I accepted it, much to my disappointment, as I felt 
the urgent necessity of an immediate advance. 
Konoma was still unfortified, and a few days would 
have sufficed to capture it, and place the Naga Hills 
at our feet. As it was, the delay, not till Novem- 
ber 9 th, but November 22nd, owing to defective trans- 
port arrangements, gave the enemy time to recover, 
and when we tardily appeared before Konoma, we 
found a scientifically defended fortress, whose capture 
cost us many valuable lives. The order, it subse- 
quently appeared, was not issued by Sir Steuart 
Bayley,* and was altogether due to a misappre- 
hension. 

* The order came in a telegram purporting to be from the Chief 
Commissioner, and by whom really transmitted is a mystery. The 
Deputy-Assistant Quartermaster Greneral's Report of this Naga Hill 
Expedition states, that after Lieutenant-Colonel Johnstone's Kuki levies 
had attacked Phesama, and killed about two hundred of the enemy in 
consequence of the loss of some of their own men from an assault from 
this village, the Manipuri army performed no other operation in this 
war (except as coolies and bringing in supplies, and in this respect they 
were invaluable). But he adds, "Colonel Johnstone, it is understood, 
was anxious to attack Konoma on his own account without wailing for 
General Nation and the troops." Colonel Johnstone explained in a 
memorandum that no arrangements had been made by the military 
authorities for the carriage of the guns, and that up to the evening before 
the attack on Konoma he had received no request for coolies, but fore- 
seeing some neglect of this kind he had kept over one hundred reliable 
Manipuris for the work, and without them the guns could not have gone 
iato action. As to the rest of his levy, they had lost three hundred men 
by sickness, and like all irregulars, had been injured by the long delay 
and enforced idleness. They had also been already fired upon by our 
troops in mistake for Nagas, and he feared some unfortunate complication 

M 2 



164 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

As there was to be no immediate work, I urged 
Major Evans to take up his post at Samagudting, 
where a magazine containing 200,000 rounds of am- 
munition was very inefficiently guarded; he, however, 
left a subaltern, Lieut, (now Captain) Barrett with 
me, as I wanted another officer. On their way, some 
men of the 43rd had shot two Nagas, one a relation 
of the chief of the Hepromah clan of Kohima, a most 
unfortunate proceeding, and quite uncalled for, as 
the men were quietly working in their fields. I was 
already sufficiently embarrassed by the promises 
made by the garrison to the so-called friendly clans 
of Kohima, to induce them to be neutral during the 
siege, and which I felt bound to keep, and this 
additional complication added to my troubles. People 
situated as the garrison were should make no promises 
except in return for real help. 

All this time troops and supplies came pouring in 
from Manipur in one long thin stream, and the 
greatest efforts were made to collect supplies on the 
spot. I also forced the unfriendly Chitonoma clan 
of Kohima to surrender six rifles they had captured, 
and to pay a fine of 200 maunds of rice. We had 
been expecting a force of Kuki irregulars from 
Manipur ; these now arrived, and I had a talk with 
the chief, who said : " Our great desire is to attack 

if lie brought them again to the front. But one hundred and fifty at the 
request of General Nation were posted in the valley to intercept fugitives, 
and they did what they were told. Another force was also left to help 
to protect the camp at Suchema. Colonel Johnstone therein states that 
he felt confident he could have captured Konoma with his Manipuris 
alone, directly after the relief of Kohima. The Konoma men, in fact, 
offered to submit on harsher terms to themselves to Colonel Johnstone 
than were afterwards wrested from them by General Nation with the loss 
of valuable lives, and at a heavy pecuniary cost. — Ed. 



SORROWFUL NEWS. 165 

that village/' pointing to Kohiraa, " and to kill every 
man, woman, and child in it ! " He looked as if he 
meant it. 

One day a cat was caught that had given great 
trouble stealing provisions, etc., we all wanted to 
get rid of it, but Hindoos do not like having eats 
killed, and I respected their prejudices when possible, 
and there were many Hindoos about us, so I said, " I 
won't have it killed, unless some one wants to eat it." 
A Kuki soon came and asked to be allowed to make 
a dinner of it, and then I gave my consent, and our 
scourge was removed. I once asked a sepoy of my 
old regiment why they objected to killing cats. He 
said, " People do say that if you kill a cat now you 
will have to give a golden cat in exchange in the 
next world as a punishment, and where are we to 
get one ? " 

To keep open communications, I established Mani- 
puri posts in strong stockades at all the principal 
villages on the road to the frontier, and had daily 
posts from Manipur. To my great distress, I heard 
that my youngest boy, Arthur, was ill, and my wife 
in much anxiety about him ; but I could not leave 
to help her. 

Our forced inaction had, as I anticipated, been 
ruisinterpreted by the Nagas. Some decisive action 
was much needed, and I attacked the hostile Chito- 
noma clan of Kohima, and destroyed part of their 
village. On the 10th, as a party of men were 
bringing in provisions from Manipur, they had been 
attacked by some of the Chitonoma clan in the valley 
below our position. I heard the firing, and ran out 
of the stockade with a party to drive off the enemy. 



166 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

At the gate, a man who had just arrived, put a 
letter in my hand. I read it anxiously, it told me 
that ray child was dead. My wife and I had chosen 
a spot at Kang-joop-kool where we wished to be 
buried in case either of us died, and there she buried 
him. 

We soon cleared out the Chitonoma men, and 
I found that with the troops escorting the provisions 
was Dr. Campbell from Cachar, whose arrival was 
very welcome. I remember in connection with him 
a striking incident showing the courage of Manipuris 
in suffering. A man who had been wounded in an 
encounter had to have an operation performed on his 
arm. Dr. Campbell wanted to give him chloroform 
as it would be very painful. But the man refused, 
saying, " I will not take anything that intoxicates," 
and at once held out his arm and submitted to the 
knife without flinching ! 

Every day the delay in the commencement of 
active operations made the Nagas more and more 
confident, and some vigorous action on our part was 
absolutely necessary. I heard from spies that our 
Manipuri post at Phesama was about to be attacked 
.by the people of the village, who held nightly 
converse with emissaries from Konoma. I therefore 
determined to punish Phesama, which was not far 
from Kohima, and on November 11th, I sent a party 
of Manipuris and Kukis who destroyed the village in 
a night attack, and killed a large number of people. 
They brought in twenty-one women and children as 
prisoners whom the Manipuris had saved from the 
Kukis, who would have spared neither age nor sex 
had they gone alone. 



AETILLERY ELEPHANTS. 167 

The next day my old friend Captain Williamson 
arrived to act as my assistant, I having been ap- 
pointed Chief Political Officer with the Field Force 
that was being formed. Having now a competent 
man to leave in charge, I determined to go to Mani- 
pur for a few days, and marched to Mythephum on 
the 13th, and rode thence on the 14th to Manipur, 
accomplishing the whole distance of over 100 miles 
in thirty-one and a half hours. I stayed one day in 
Manipur and then returned, reaching Kohima on 
the 17th. 

On November 20th, Greneral Nation having arrived 
at Suchema, ten miles from Kohima, "Williamson and 
I left to join him. We were fired at on the road, 
but got in safely and found all well and in good 
spirits. The troops consisted of 43rd and 44th 
Assam Light Infantry and two seven-pound moun- 
tain-guns under Lieut. Mansel, R.A. Lieut, (now 
Major) Raban, R^E., was engineer-of&cer and Deputy 
Surgeon-Greneral (now Surgeon- General, C.B.) De 
Renzy was in charge of the Medical Department. 
Major Cock, a well-known soldier and sportsman, 
was Brigade Major. 

On the 21st, the guns arrived on elephants, and 
feeling sure that no proper carriage could have been 
provided for their transport, I had taken the pre- 
caution to bring one hundred Kuki coolies to carry 
them. The assault was to be next day. Mozuma 
remained neutral, and even gave us a few. ooolies 
and guides.* 

* I also heard from an old Mozuma friend, Lotoj(§, that the enjmy in- 
tended to concentrate all his fire on the officers, so as to render the men 
helpless. I told this to the General and Major Cock, and strongly advised 
them to do as I did, and cover their white helmets with hlue turbans to 



168 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

How well I remember the night of the 21st. 
Williamson and I dined with the Greneral and all the 
staff, and poor Cock, great on all sporting subjects, 
told us in the most animated way, stories of whaling 
adventures when he was on leave at the Cape, He 
warmed to his subject and greatly interested us ; he 
was a fine gaunt man of over six feet in height, and 
great strength and ready for any enterprise ; some of 
the Mozuma Nagas knew him and liked him as they 
had, years before, been on shooting expeditions with 
him in the Nowgong jungles. Besides this we had 
a surgical address from Dr. De Renzy, who told us 
what to do if any of us were wounded. How we all 
laughed over it, he joining us. I knew we should 
have some hard fighting, but we all counted on 
carrying everything before us with a rush, and who 
is there who expects to be wounded ? We are ready 
for it if it comes, but we all think that we are to be 
the exception. It is as well that it is so. 

We were under arms at 4.30 a.m. on the 22nd. 
The first party consisting of two companies of the 
43rd Assam Light Infantry and twenty-eight Naga 
Hills Police, under Major Evans and Lieut. Barrett, 
conducted by Captain Williamson, who knew the 
country, were directed to proceed to the rear of 
Konoma and occupy the saddle connecting the spur 
on which it is built with the main road, so as to 
cut off the line of retreat. 

At 7.30 A.M., the remaining portion of the force 



render themselves less conspicuous, urging tlie inadvisability of needlessly 
rendering themselves marks for the enemy's fire. The General refused, 
and Cock said he should do as the General did, so I said no more ; ad- 
miring their dogged courage, but wishing that they would take advice. 



ATTACK ON KONOMA. 169 

marched off. "We all went together to the Mozuma 
Hill, where Lieut. Eaban, E.E., was detached with 
part of a rocket battery, to take up a position on the 
hillside and open fire on Konoma, simultaneously 
with the guns. A small force was left in Suchema, 
to which, on my own responsibihty, I added one 
hundred and ten Kuki irregulars, as I thought it 
dangerously small for a place containing all our 
stores and reserve ammunition. At the Greneral's 
request, I had posted a force of two hundred men 
in a valley to intercept fugitives, and cut them off 
from Jotsuma. 

After leaving Lieut. Eaban, we crossed the valley 
dividing Mozuma and Konoma, and when half-way 
between the hills, Lieut. Eidgeway (now Colonel 
Eidgeway, V.O.) was sent with a company of the 
44th to skirmish up to the Konoma hill. The main 
body with the guns then gradually ascended to the 
Government Eoad. Just before reaching it, we found 
a headless Aryan corpse in a stream, it was probably 
that of a sepoy of the 43rd, who formed part of Mr. 
Damant's ill-fated expedition. 

After going for a short distance along the road, we 
found a place up which the guns could go, and a party 
of fifty men under Lieut. Henderson, 44th Assam 
Light Infantry, was sent ahead to skirmish up the hill- 
side, the guns carried by my coolies following with 
the Greneral and his Staif, including myself. As we 
ascended the hill. Colonel Nuttall, with the re- 
mainder of the 44th, exclusive of the gun escort, pro- 
ceeded along the road, crossing the small valley that 
divides the Konoma hill from the ridge of the 
Basoma hill which we were ascending, a few hundred 



170 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

yards from where it joins the main valley, and 
halted at the foot. After incredible labour, we 
succeeded in getting the guns into position at about 
1200 yards distance from the highest point of 
Konoma, and at once opened fire, while Lieut. Eaban 
did the ^same with his rockets which, however, for 
the most part fell short over the heads of Lieut. 
Eidgeway's party, though once two struck the 
village. On being signalled, Lieut. Raban withdrew 
his rockets and joined us. Meanwhile, the guns had 
made little impression on the people, and none on the 
stone forts of Konoma, but the 44th were advancing 
gallantly to the attack up the steep ascent to the 
village, a brisk fire being kept up on both sides. 

At about 2.30, the position of the guns was 
changed, and they were advanced to within eight 
hundred yards of the works, here one of my gun 
coolies was wounded by a shot from the village. 
The change of position had little effect, and Lieu- 
tenant Henderson's party which had skirmished 
along the hillside, effectually prevented the enemy 
from evacuating his strong position. 

At this time we saw a body of men on the ridge 
above Konoma, and a gun and rocket fire was 
opened on them, but speedily stopped as the regi- 
mental call of the 43rd sounding in the distance, 
followed by a close observation with our glasses, led 
us to the conclusion that it was the party with 
Captain Williamson and not the enemy who occu- 
pied the point at which we had directed our fire. 
Subsequently it was discovered that the stockade 
there had been captured and occupied by the party 
of the 43rd. After firing a few shot? from our new 



HAED FIGHTING. 171 

position, and imagining that the force under Colonel 
Nuttall was in full possession of the hill we unlim- 
bered, and, crossing the small valley before men- 
tioned, we followed Mr. Damant's path up the hill, 
entering the village by the gate where he met his 
death. As we neared the place where we had last 
seen Colonel Nuttall's party, ominous sights met our 
eyes, dead bodies here and there and men badly 
wounded, while sepoys left in charge of the latter 
told us that the Nagas were still holding out in the 
upper forts. After advancing a few paces further 
we had to pick our way over ground studded with 
pangees,* and covered with thorns and bamboo and 
cane entanglements, exposed to the fire of the 
enemy, and passing the bodies of several Nagas we 
ascended a kind of staircase, and after again passing 
under the Naga fire climbed up a perpenpicular. 
stone wall and found ourselves in a small tower, 
which, with the adjoining work, was held by a small 
party of the 44th. I asked Colonel Nuttall where 
all his men were, and he pointed to the handful 
around him and said, " These are all." The situa- 
tion was indeed a desperate one, and I felt that 
without some immediate action our power in the 
Naga Hills for the moment trembled in the balance. 
The needed action was taken as the guns had now 
arrived under a heavy fire, and they opened on the 
upper forts at a distance of eighty to one hundred 
yards. Lieutenant Mansel and his three European 
bombardiers pointing them, fully exposed to the fire 
of the enemy. I strongly urged on the Greneral the 
necessity of making an attempt to dislodge him 

* Sharp stakes of bamboo hardened in the fire. 



172 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

Ibefore nightfall, and he was about to lead out a 
party to the attack when it was deemed more pru- 
dent to try the guns from another point first. 
After a series of rounds with such heavy charges 
that the guns were upset at every shot, the order 
for the assault was given, and we all rushed out in 
two parties, led by nine oflScers, viz., General Nation, 
Colonel Nuttall, Major Cock, Major Walker, Lieu- 
tenant Ridffewav, Lieutenant Eaban, Lieutenant 
Boileau, Lieutenant Forbes, and myself, with all the 
men we could collect. The party I was with, which 
included the general, Colonel Nuttall, and Major 
Cock, attempted to scale the front face of the fort, the 
other the left, i.e., on our right. The right column 
of attack led by Eidgeway and Forbes advanced 
splendidly ; I seem to hear to this day Eidgeway's 
shout of " Chulleao," i.e., " Come along," to his men 
as he dashed to the front, and I saw him mounting 
the parapet. 

The Nagas met us with a heavy fire and showers 
of spears and stones. One of the spears struck 
Forbes, and Ridge way was badly wounded in the 
left shoulder by a shot fired at ten paces, and Nir 
Beer Sai, a gallant subadar, shot dead. My faithful 
orderly, Narain Singh, was also killed. Unfor- 
tunately we had no force to support the assaulting 
parties and the men began to retire. While this 
was doing on the right, our column, the left, was 
scaling an almost perpendicular wall in front but 
unsuccessfully, as those of us not killed were pushed 
back by showers of falling stones and earth, and 
as we alighted at a lower level the remnants of the 
right column who were retiring met us. I tried to 



HEAVY LOSS. 173 

rally them, but I was a stranger to them and it was 
no use. Lieutenant Raban was equally unsuccess- 
ful, the men had acted gallantly, but our party was 
too small, and as I had before predicted the fire was 
concentrated on the European ofScers. Major Cock 
walked back leisurely to get under cover, and just 
before he reached it turned round to take a parting 
shot. I saw him thus far, and immediately after 
heard that he had been shot. Seeing that our only 
chance of safety lay in a retreat, I shouted to Mansel, 
to open an artillery fire over our heads which he 
did, this saved us. In another minute, the general. 
Colonel Nuttall, myself and five sepoys were the 
only men left. I suggested to the former that we 
had better go too and retire, which we did over the 
embers of a burning house. 

As I retired with the General we found Major 
Cock mortally wounded, laid under cover in a 
sheltered spot ; a little farther on under a heavy fire 
we met Lieutenant Boileau bringing out a stretcher 
for him. As Cock was being carried in, a bearer 
was shot dead, and Dr. Campbell took his place and 
brought him into hospital. 

It was a strange situation, as in our retreat we 
were alternately exposed to a fire, and quite shel- 
tered. Luckily the place selected for a hospital was 
safe, and there a sad sight met my eyes. In the 
short period that elapsed between the commence- 
ment of the assault and my return, the hospital had 
been filled. Young Forbes was on his back, pale 
as a sheet, but cheerful. Eidgeway flushed with 
the glow of battle on him. " Certamis gaudia," I 
said, " I hope you are not much hurt." " Only my 



174 MY EXPBEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

shoulder smashed," he said. Colonel Nuttall was 
slightly wounded, making four out of nine Europeans. 
Besides these were men of the 44th of all ranks, 
some almost insensible, others in great pain, some 
composed, others despondent. Outside lay a heap of 
dead. Twenty-five per cent, of the native ranks had 
fallen, killed or wounded. Some of my gun coolies 
were among the latter, besides one or two killed. 

I remember a wounded Kuki who was supporting 
himself by leaning against a great vat of Naga beer 
prepared to refresh the defenders of the fortress, and 
by him lay a dead Naga. The Kuki had a dao 
(sword) in his hand, and every now and then he 
fortified himself with a deep draught of the grateful 
fluid, and thus strengthened made a savage cut at 
the body of his foe. 

We had captured all but the highest forts, and a 
renewed attack with our small numbers was out of 
the question, as night was closing in, and we were 
very anxious as to the safety of our detached parties 
under Evans, Macgregor, and Henderson.* 

It was determined to remain where we were for 
the night, and Lieutenant Eaban represented to the 
Greneral the necessity of fortifying our position. This 
duty he and Mansel and I undertook, I bringing my 
Kuki coolies to the work, which we accomplished 
by 7 P.M. 

* The official medical report of this campaign gives a deplorable account 
of the sufferings of the wounded, and the gangrene which affected the 
wounds in consequence of the extremely insanitary condition of the Naga 
villages and stockades, where the Naga warriors had been congregated for 
weeks expecting the attack — an additional reason why the immediate 
pursuit into their strongholds which Colonel Johnstone had recommended 
after the relief of Kohima should have been carried out — failing the 
acceptance of the harsh terms of peace. See ante. — Bd. 



( 175 ) 



CHAPTER XIX. 

Konoma evacuated — Journey to Suchema for provisions and ammunition, 
and return — -We march to Suchema witli General — Visit Manipur — 
Very ill — Meet Sir Steuart Bayley in Cachar — His visit to ManipUr — 
Grand reception — Star of India — Chussad attack on Chingsow — March 
to Kohima and back — Reflections on Maharajah's services — Naga 
Hills campaign overshadowed by Afghan War. 

GrBNERAL NATION had intended to capture Konoma 
and return to Suchema at once, but the stout resist-, 
ance offered by the Nagas upset all calculations, and 
we were thus stranded without warm clothing or 
provisions on a bleak spot, 5000 or 6000 feet above 
the sea. I sent off some of my Naga emissaries, 
and induced the neutral men of Mozuma to go to 
Suchema and bring the bedding of the wounded men 
and some food which was done. With difficulty we 
got enough water to drink, but there was none for 
washing, and when at last we sat down on the 
ground to eat our frugal meal, the doctors had to eat 
with hands covered with blood, indeed, none of our 
hands were very presentable. At last, to our great 
relief, our detatched parties returned one by one. 
Lieutenant (now Colonel C. R. Macregor, D.S.O.), a 
most gallant and capable officer, had been out all 
day with only fifteen men, and inflicted some injury 
on the Nagas. He was Quartermaster-Greneral of 
the force, and did good service throughout. The 
accession, of numbers was a great relief, as we now 



176 MY EXPERIENCE IN MANIPUE. 

had the means of renewing the attack next day, 
but ammunition and supph'es were required, and 
Williamson and I volunteered to go to Suchema for 
them next day. The night was very cold, hut we 
managed to sleep all huddled up together, the dead 
lying all round us. 

Early next morning, Williamson and I started 
with all our coolies and an escort of fifty men. We 
saw no signs of the enemy, but came across several 
men of the 43rd who had strayed away from their 
detachments in the dark and hidden in the jungles. 
At Suchema we found all right, but before we got 
there, we saw our flag flying over Konoma, showing, 
as I had expected, that it had been evacuated dur- 
ing the night. This event immediately made our 
neutral friends of Mozuma, our allies, and they gave 
us hearty assistance, and we took back an ample 
supply of provisions. The Mozuma people told us 
that the Konoma men had never contemplated the 
possibility of being driven out, and that they had 
stored up 2000 maunds of rice which had fallen into 
our hands. 

The enemy had retired into some fortified stockades 
called Chukka on the main range to their rear, a 
most difficult position to attack. I offered the 
General to carry the guns into position for him if he 
cared to assault them, but our loss, especially in 
officers, had been so great that he declined, and 
probably he was right, as the risk was very great if 
the enemy stood his ground, so the General decided 
to await reinforcements. All the same it was to be 
regretted that we were unable to deliver two or 
three blows in rapid succession. 



PEACE PEOPOSALS. 177 

We left a party at Konoma and marched to 
Suchema with the wounded, Ridgeway, with great 
courage, marching all the way on foot, rather than 
endure the shaking of an improvised litter. On the 
27th, I joined a force, with which we attacked and 
destroyed the unfriendly portion of Jotsuma, a large 
and powerful village, and on the 29th, as there was 
nothing else to do, made a rapid journey to Manipur 
with Lieutenant Raban, that he might survey the 
road as I wanted the trace for a cart road cut. We 
returned on December 4th, 

On December 6 th, Williamson and I started for 
Golaghat, to meet Sir Steuart Bayley. At Sama- 
gudting I had a perfect ovation, all the village 
turning out to see me, and greeting me warmly as 
an old acquaintance. Alas ! many were suffering 
from a disease we called Naga sores, and several had 
died. The once lovely place looked desolate and 
miserable, almost all the fine trees had been ruth- 
lessly cut down by one of my successors, in a panic, 
lest they should afford cover for hostile Nagas. The 
place looked so sad that I could not bear to stay 
there as I had intended, and left again almost 
directly. We reached Grolaghat on December 9th, 
and stayed with the Chief Commissioner and started 
again on the 12th, and rode fifty-five miles into 
Dimapur, but I was not at all well, indeed had been 
much the reverse for several days, bad food and 
hard work having upset me. We reached Suchema 
on the 14th. 

Overtures for submission were made by some of 
the hostile villages, but I said that an unconditional 
surrender of all fire-arms must precede any negotia- 



1.78 MY EXPEEIENOES IN MANIPUE. 

tioris. Meanwhile, I grew dailj worse, and tne 
doctors told me that I must go to Manipur for 
change and quiet, which, as there was nothing to be 
done just then, I did, leaving Captain Williamson in 
charge of the Political Department, 

I reached Manipur on December 22nd, and a day 
or two's rest did me so much good that I left again 
on the 27th, and rode to Mythephum, sixty miles, 
but was taken ill on the road, and suffered most 
dreadful pain for the last twenty miles, arriving 
completely prostrated. The next day, being worse, 
I sent a message to Manipur, asking for the native 
doctor and a litter to be sent to meet me, while I 
got back as far as Mayang Khang on my pony, 
though hardly able to sit upright. I halted here 
for the night, but had no sleep, and in the morning 
started in a rough litter, but the shaking increased 
the pain, so that I again tried riding till I reached 
Kong-nang-pokhee, twenty miles from Manipur, 
where, to my intense relief, I found my doolai and 
our native doctor, Lachman Parshad. I reached 
Manipur at 11 p.m. 

Next day, December 30th, I was no better, and 
,as the doctor was very anxious, not understanding 
my case, which was acute inflammation, my wife 
wrote to Dr. O'Brien of the 44th, asking him to 
come and see me. I was laid up till January 17th, 
and only narrowly escaped with life, my suffering 
being aggravated by a deficiency of medicine in 
our hospital, and a week's delay in getting it from 
Cachar. One day I got out of bed to see Thangal 
Major on very important business connected with 
Konoma, of which some of the inhabitants had tried 



SIE STEUAET BAYLEY. 179 

to open an intrigue with Manipur. Dr. O'Brien 
ariived about the 13th, and left on the 18th, and I 
was preparing to follow in a few days, when com- 
plications on the Lushai frontier detained me, and 
then as the Chief Commissioner was about to come 
up en route to the Naga Hills, to present the Maha- 
rajah with the order of the Star of India in recogni- 
tion of his services, I waited till I could march up 
with him. 

On January 30 th, I heard that the Baladhun tea 
factory in Cachar had been attacked, and a European 
and several coolies killed by the Merema clan of 
Konoma. Knowing that Cachar was badly off for 
troops, I asked the Durbar to send two hundred men to 
the frontier, close to the tea factory, to aid the Cachar 
authorities, and this was done. On February 6th, I 
started for Cachar to meet the Chief Commissioner, 
reaching that place on the 7th, and marched back 
with him, arriving at Manipur on February 20th, 
where he was received with every demonstration of 
respect, the Maharajah turning out with all his court 
to meet him at the usual place, and escorting him to 
the spot where the road turned off to the Residency. 

The Chief Commissioner's visit gave the greatest 
satisfaction to every one in Manipur. He stayed five 
days, during which he had several interviews with 
the Maharajah, and held a grand Durbar, at which he 
invested him with the star and badge of a K.C.S.I. 
He also attended a review held by the Rajah, besides 
seeing all the sights of the place, including a game 
of polo by picked players. In fact the visit was a 
thorough success, and the Manipuris often spoke of 
it with pleasure years afterwards. 

AT 



180 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

Just before we started for the Naga Hills, I 
received the news of an attack by the Chussad Kukis 
on the Tankhool village of Chingsow, to the north- 
east of Manipur, forty-five people were said to have 
been killed or carried oflF; and the excitement was all 
the greater from the belief entertained that the attack 
had been instigated by the Burmese. I determined, 
after consultation with Sir Steuart Bayley, to pro- 
ceed to the spot myself, and investigate the whole 
affair; and it was, therefore, decided that, after 
escorting him to Kohima, I should return to Manipur 
and take up the case. We marched to Kohima, 
which we reached on March 1st, and on the 2nd, T. 
returned to Mao, en route to Manipur, where I arrived 
on March 5th. 

Before leaving the subject of the Nago Hills, I 
ought to say, that, it is difficult to over-estimate our 
obligation to the Maharajah, for his loyal conduct 
during the insurrection and subsequent troubles. 
According to his own belief, we had deprived him of 
territory belonging to him, and which he had been 
allowed to claim as his own. The Nagas asked him 
to help them, and promised to become his feudatories, if 
only he would not act against them. The temptation 
must have been strong, to at least serve us as we 
deserved, by leaving us in the lurch to get out of the 
mess, as best as we could. Instead of this, Chandra 
Kirtee Singh loyally and cheerfully placed his 
resources at our disposal, and certainly by enabling 
me to march to its relief, prevented the fall of 
Kohima, and the disastrous results which would have 
inevitably followed. It is grievous to think that his 
son, the then Jubraj Soor Chandra Singh, who served 



THE AFGHAN WAR. 181 

US SO well, was allowed to die in exile, and that 
Thangal Major died on the scaffold : while many 
others who accompanied the expedition, were trans- 
ported as criminals, across the dreaded " black water " 
to the Andamans. 

It was the misfortune of those engaged in the 
Naga Hills expedition, that they were overshadowed, 
and their gallant deeds almost ignored, by the Afghan 
war then in progress. Some of the English papers 
imagined that the operations in the Naga Hills were 
included in it, and the Grovernment of India, 
which has only eyes for the North- West Frontier, 
showed little desire to recognise the hard work, and 
good service rendered on its eastern border, amidst 
difficulties far greater than those which beset our 
troops in Afghanistan. The force engaged, hoped 
that the capture of Konoma, which was achieved after 
such hard fighting and at so great a loss, would have 
been at least recognised by some special decoration, 
but this hope was disappointed, apparently for no 
other reason, than that the troops engaged, fought 
in the east, and not in the west of India. Kaye, the 
historian, once said that, " the countries to the east of 
the Bay of Bengal, were the grave of fame." Well 
did the Naga Hills campaign, prove the truth of his 
words. A bronze star was the reward of a bloodless 
march from Kabul to Kandahar, but not even a 
clasp could be spared to commemorate the capture 
of Konoma, and those who never saw a shot fired, 
shared the medal awarded equally with those who 
fought and bled in that bloody fight. 



182 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTER XX. 

Visit ChiagBow to investigate Chussad outrage — Interesting country — 
Ehododendrons — Splendid forest — Chingsow and the murder — ■ 
Chattik — March back across the hills. 

I HAD not fully recovered my strength after my 
illness, and besides there was much to do, so I did 
not start for Chingsow till the 11th, when I marched 
to Lairen, twenty-five miles distant. 'Near a place 
called Susa Kameng, where the hills approach each 
other very closely, from either side of the valley, a 
rampart connects them. It was built in former days 
as a barrifer against the Tankhools, when they were 
the scourge of the neighbourhood. 

After leaving Susa Kameng, the valley narrowed 
for some miles, and then we crossed a ridge about 
1000 feet above it, and finally descended into a 
charming little upland valley, which, but for the 
Kukis, those terrible enemies of trees and animal life, 
would be the cherished home of wild elephants. 
After crossing this, we again made a slight descent, 
and found ourselves close to the camp on a lovely 
stream. There I found Bularam Singh, who was to 
be minister in attendance on me during my march, 
that part of the country being under his jurisdiction. 
The next day we went on to Noong-suong-kong 



MOUNTAIN SCBNEEY. 183 

over a most lovely country^ often 5000 feet above 
the sea, and with hill villages in the most romantic 
situation ; and — remarkable sign of the peace pro- 
duced by the rule of Manipur-— we met large 
numbers of unarmed wayfarers. This day. we also 
saw terrace cultivation, in which the Tankhools 
excel, and rhododendrons in full flower, a splendid 
sight. The next day, after another most interesting 
march, we halted in a pretty upland valley, 5100 feet 
above the sea; the valley was long, and a stream 
meandered through it, the banks being clothed 
with willows and wild pear trees, covered with 
blossoms. The hillsides were well-wooded, the 
trees being chiefly pines with rhododendrons here 
and there. 

On March 14th, we descended the Kongou-Chow- 
Ching, and in a village I saw for the first time 
shingle roofs. "We passed the last fir tree at 5800 feet, 
and reached the watershed at 7300 feet. At the 
top of the pass in a slightly sheltered position, was 
a solitary rhododendron. The cold was so great 
that, though walking, I was glad to put on a thick 
great-coat ; the winds were exceedingly piercing. 
Some of the hills round were denuded of trees, and 
the hill people said that it was the severity of the 
winds that prevented their growth. The view from 
the highest point was splendid, on all sides a mag- 
nificent array of hills and valleys. Near to us were 
some of the most luxuriant forests I have ever seen, 
the trees of large size, and many of them with 
gnarled trunks, recalling the giants of an English 
j)ark. Under some of these trees was a greensward 
where it would have been delightful to encamp, 



184 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

had time allowed, but the difficulty of obtaining 
water limits one's halting place in tlie hills. Every- 
where on the western face of the hills pines seemed 
to stop at 5800 feet ; but on the east they rose 
to 9400 ! 

Four villages, in the Tankhool country, apparently 
monopolised the bulk of the cloth manufactures, and 
different tribal patterns were made to suit the 
purchaser. Some of these cloths are very handsome 
and strong, and calculated to wear for a long time. 
But the superior energy of the Manipuris in cloth 
weaving, has greatly injured the trade in the hill 
villages ; in the same way that Manchester and 
Paisley have injured the weaving trade in most 
of India. The Manipuris supply a fair pattern 
of the different tribal cloths at a lower price, 
and thus manage to undersell those of native manu- 
facture, but the quality is not nearly so good 
as in the original. The prices in the hills are 
decidedly high. Every village has its blacksmith, 
but some devote themselves more especially to 
ironwork. 

We reached Ohingsow on March 15 th, after a 
march of twelve miles that morning, chiefly made up 
of ascents and descents, some being so steep that it 
was with difficulty that we got along. Finally, after 
a direct ascent of 4980 feet, followed by a descent of 
3600 feet, we reached our encamping ground below the 
village which towered above us. The next day I in- 
vestigated the case, and found that, as reported, twenty 
males and twenty-five females had been murdered, 
I saw the fresh graves and dug up one as evidence, 
the bodies contained in it were those of a mother and 



A MASSACRE. 185 

child, and presented a frightful spectacle witli half 
of the heads cut off, including the scalp, and both in 
an. advanced state of decomposition. It appeared that 
a demand has been made by TonghoOj the Chussad 
Chief, that.the Chingsow Nagas should submit to him 
and pay tribute, but they, of course, refused as 
subjects of Manipur. They heard of notliiug more 
till they were attacked on the morning of the fatal 
day. The people had just begun to stir, and some 
had lighted their fires, when suddenly they heard 
the fire of musketry at the entrance of the village. 
They ran out of their houses, and the Chussads fell 
upon them, and the massacre commenced. The 
assailants were about fifty in number, and the people 
in their terror were driven in all directions, and 
ylaughtered, some being shot and others being cut 
down by daos. 

While this was going on, some of the men assembled 
with spears and advanced on the Chussads, who then 
retreated firing the village, and carrying off all the 
pigs, spears and iron hoes they could lay hands on. 
Five Nagas of Chattik came with the Chussads and 
were recognised. The village of Chingsow was 
most strongly situated, even more so than Konoma, 
indeed, the same might be said of many villages in 
that part of the country, and is entered by long 
winding paths cut through the rock, by which only 
one man at a time could pass, so that well defended 
it would be difficult to take. But the fact was that 
Manipur having put a stop to blood feuds among 
its subjects, had rather placed them at a disadvan- 
tage, as they were not quite as well prepared for 
an attack as formerly. 



186 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

After leaving Ohingsow, we marched through a 
pretty country, part of our way lying along a 
high ridge with a precipice on one side, and a 
deep ravine on the other, and we finally halted 
in a stream far below our last camp. Every march 
was a succession of steep ascents and then equally 
steep descents into narrow valleys. It was most 
exasperating sometimes to see how needlessly an 
ascent was made over a high ridge, when a 
path of no greater length could have been made 
round it. 

On the 17th, I encamped beside a river where I 
was visited by many Tankhools, including children, 
who crowded round me fearlessly. The people were 
a fine race, but almost inconceivably dirty, some of 
them seemed grimed with the dirt of years. There 
were plenty of fine pieces of terrace cultivation. It 
was very curious to find that among the Tankhools 
there seemed to be a universal belief that they 
originally sprung from the " MahawuUee," or sacred 
grove in Manipur. 

On March 18th, we reached Ohattik, a fine village 
on a ridge from which we had a splendid view, 
including the Chussad villages. As I had done all I 
had come for, and wished to see a new country, I 
determined to march back straight to Manipur across 
the hills. It was not the beaten track which lay by 
Kongal Tannah, and no one in my camp knew it, but 
I felt sure it could be found, and old Bularam Singh 
cheerfully agreed. We started on the 19 th, and 
after passing a village that had been plundered by 
the Chussads, we halted after a sixteen-mile march, 
during which I was badly hurt by a bamboo which 



A PROSPBKOUS VILLAGE. 18? 

pierced my leg. On the march we passed some 
terrible-looking pits, 12 feet deep, and about 3 or 3^ 
feet wide with sharp stakes at the bottom. They are 
meant to catch enemies on the war path, or deer, and 
are placed in the centre of the roads and covered 
lightly. God help the poor man or animal who is 
impaled in these horrible pits and dies in agony, for 
no one else will. 

On the 20th, we halted at Pong, after an interest- 
ing but tiring march, during which we crossed the 
summit of a high range at 7100 feet, covered with 
forest, and small and very solid bamboos. The 
descent was through a noble pine forest with trees 
that must have been two hundred feet high. It 
rained heavily, and when we halted I should have 
had a miserable night of it but for the care of the 
Manipuris, who built me a comfortable hut, and 
went away smiling and cheerful to cook their 
food, though they looked half drowned. Never did 
I see men work better under difficulties. Owing 
to them I had as nice a resting-place as a man 
on the march could want, and an hour after I had 
an excellent dinner. 

We started early next morning, and made a 
gradual ascent till we reached Hoondoong, a 
Tankhool village 5200 feet above the sea. After 
that our road lay through a splendid fir forest, 
with here and there an avenue of oaks, but from 
time to time we came across large tracts of forest 
that had been laid low and burned. At Hoondoong 
I sa;W some curious graves, high mounds shaped like 
a large H. 

They were outside the village. There were also 



188 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

more and better-looking women and children than 
are to be seen in most Tankhool villages. The men 
of the Tankhool race are, in physique, quite equal to 
the Angamis, 

In the main street of Hoondoong, there were two 
vows of dead trees about twenty feet high, planted in 
front of the houses, and orchids were growing on 
them. The people seemed happy and contented 
under the rule of Manipur, and their houses were 
large and commodious structures. 

We reached Eethum Tannah in tlie valley of 
Manipur after a terrible descent, rendered all the 
more difficult by heavy rain, which made the narrow 
path so slippery as to be almost impassable. During 
the whole of my long march through a wild 
country covered with forest I had, with the excep- 
tion of the Hoolook monkey {Hylohete) seen no wild 
animals, scarcely a bird ! 

I reached Manipur on March 22nd, having greatly 
enjoyed my tour in the hills, and had hardly 
arrived when Thangel Major came to see me and 
talk about the Chussad business. Soon after I sent 
to Tonghoo, the Ohussad chief, to demand his sub- 
mission. He did not come himself, but sent his 
brother Yankapo. The Manipuris thought this a 
grand opportunity to secure hostages, and begged 
me to allow the arrest of him and his followers. 
I severely rebuked them for making such a treach- 
erous proposal. 

I had several interviews with the young chief and 
his followers who spoke Manipuri fluently, and 
admitted that they were subjects of the Maharajah. 
This visit eventually led to a better understanding 



SUBMISSION. 189 

with the Chussads, and to the submission of Tonghoo 
himself, who subsequently became a peaceable sub- 
ject. For the present, however, I had to exact 
reparation for the attack on Chingsow, and for some 
months the affair cost me much anxiety. 



190 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

Saving a criminal from execution — Konoma men visit me — A terrible 
earthquake — Destruction wrought in the capital — Illness of the 
Maharajah — Question as to the succession — Arrival of the Queen's 
warrant — Reception by Maharajah — The Burmese question. 

About this time I heard one morning that a man 
had been convicted in concert with a woman of 
committing a grave offence, and that the woman 
had, according to custom, been sentenced to be 
exposed in every bazaar in the country, in the way 
already described. The man had been sentenced 
to death, and ordered to Shoogoonoo for execution. 
As the offence was not one which our courts would 
punish with death, I sent a friendly remonstrance 
to the Maharajah, and requested that he might be 
produced before me, that I might satisfy myself 
that he was uninjured. The Maharajah at once 
consented, and in a few days the man was brought 
before me safe and sound, and after having been ex- 
posed as a criminal in several bazaars, he was sentenced 
with my approval to a fitting term of imprisonment. 
I also asked the minister in future, to let me know 
for certain when a sentence of death was passed, 
that I might advise them, without appearing to the 
outer world to interfere, in case they inadvertently 
condemned a man to capital punishment, for a crime 



CRIMINAL REFORMS. 101 

which our laws would not approve of being visited 
so severely. Eealising that my object was to save 
them from discredit, they at once consented, and I 
hinted that I would never sanction the penalty of 
death for cow-killing. 

As I have stated, it had been almost always the 
custom to refer death sentences to me. Often and 
often when I made a remonstrance to the ministers 
about any contemplated action of which I dis- 
approved, I was told that I misapprehended the 
state of things, and that nothing of the kind was 
intended. Of course, I let them down easily, and 
appeared satisfied with their assurances. However, 
neither party was deceived, they accepted my strong 
hint in a friendly spirit, and knew well that I took 
their denial as a mere matter of form. The result 
was what I cared for, and it was generally achieved 
without friction. 

One of the most unpleasant parts of my duty was 
the perpetual necessity of saying " No " to the 
ministers. My great object was to be continually 
building up our prestige. Colonel McCulloch had 
said to me, " Never make any concession to the 
Manipuris without an equivalent," and it is incon- 
ceivable how many times in our daily intercourse 
I had to refuse little apparently insignificant, but 
really insidious requests. The struggle on behalf 
of native British subjects was long kept up, but in 
the end I gained my point, and their rights and 
privileges were fully recognised. 

Early in June, some men of the Merema clan of 
Konoma who were fugitives in a very wild part of 
the hills of Manipur bordering on the Naga Hills, 



192 MY E-XPEEIENCBS IN MANIPUR. 

came to me, making a piteous appeal for mercy, 
saying they would have nothing to do with the 
Naga Hills officials, but came to me as their old 
friend and master in the days when I was at Sama- 
gudting. As they came in trusting to my honour, 
I would not have them arrested, but sent them away, 
telling them that nothing but good and loyal conduct 
on their part could win my esteem, and that they 
must make their subrdission and deliver up Mr. 
Damant's murderers to the Political Officer in the 
Naga Hills, before I consented to deal with them. 
I also gave orders to the Manipuri troops on the 
frontier, to act with the utmost vigour against all 
Konoma men found within the territory of Manipur. 

Soon after some Lushais visited me, and we 
settled up a long-standing dispute between them and 
Manipur. 

The Konoma men continued to give much trouble, 
and to keep some check on them, I refused at last 
to allow any to enter Manipur, except by the Mao 
Tannah, and furnished with a pass from the Political 
Officer, Colonel Michell. I also arrested one of the 
supposed murderers, but the evidence against him 
was not considered quite satisfactory. 

On the morning of June 30th, at 4.45, when we 
were at Kang-joop-kool there was a violent earth- 
quake, the oscillations continuing with great force 
from north to south, and apparently in a less degree 
from east to west for some minutes. Plaster was 
shaken from the walls, and crockery and bottles 
thrown down, and furniture upset. Locked doors 
were flung open and the whole house, built of wood 
and bamboo, shaken as by a giant hand. Two Naga 



AN EARTHQUAKE. 193 

girls sleeping in my children's room next to the one 
my wife and I occupied, sprang up and ran outside, 
my two boys, not realising what was up, seemed to 
think it a good joke. We all got up and hurried on 
our things to be ready for an emergency, but I soon 
saw that all present danger was over. At 8.50 A.M., 
there was another sharp shock, and again about 
2 P.M., besides several slighter ones. 

In the valley, and especially at the capital, the 
shocks were of the utmost violence and the earth- 
quake said to be the worst known with the exception 
of the terrible one of January 1869. Many houses 
built of wood and bamboo were levelled with the 
ground, the ruins at Langthabal greatly injured, and 
a peepul tree growing over a picturesque old temple 
torn off. The old Eesidency was greatly injured, 
part being thrown down, and the fireplace and 
chimney shaken into fragments, but still, strange to 
say, standing. Some houses in the Residency com- 
pound were rendered useless. The great brick 
bridge on the Cachar road was cracked and much 
damage done. The earth opened in several places. 
The new Residency, which was nearly finished, and 
was built in the old English half-timbered style^ was 
intact. 

During the next few days several more shocks 
occurred, causing much alarm among the people, who 
predicted something still worse. The earthquake 
was followed by the severest outbreak of cholera that 
I had witnessed since a dreadful epidemic in Assam 
in 1860. There were many deaths in the palace, 
and public business was at a standstill. I was 
unable to lay any question before the Durbar, as half 





194 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

the officials were performing the funeral ceremonies 
of relations. The great bazaar was closed at sunset, 
and even then many of the sellers went home to find 
their children dead or dying. Everywhere on the 
banks of the rivers, and streams, people might be 
seen performing the funeral obsequies of relations 
and lamenting the dead. Amid this trouble, the 
attitude of all classes was such as to excite admira- 
tion, there were no cases of sick being deserted and 
every one appeared calm and collected. 

Later on, the cholera attacked my village of Kang- 
joop-kool, and ten per cent, of the population died. 

Early in the autumn, the Maharajah was taken ill 
with an abscess behind the ear, and great appre- 
hensions were entertained for his life. The whole 
capital was for weeks in a state of alarm, fearing a 
struggle for the throne in case of his death. The 
four eldest sons, and also some members of the family 
of the late Rajah Nur Singh, had their followers 
armed so as to be ready to assert their several claims 
immediately the Maharajah died, the former were 
constantly in attendance on their father night and 
day. The Maharajah was himself very anxious 
about the conduct of his younger sons. As suffoca- 
tion might any moment have terminated the invalid's 
life, I made all necessary plans, with a view to 
acting promptly, if required, and, in conjunction with 
Thangal Major, arranged so as to secure the guns 
and bring them over to the Residency the moment 
that he died. I also desired the Jubraj (heir 
apparent) to come over to me at once, in the event of 
the death of his father, that I might instantly pro- 
claim him and give him my support. I had a most 



THE MAHAEAJAH ILL. 195 

grateful message from the Maharajah in reply, as 
also from the Jubraj, who promised to abide entirely 
by my instructions. However, the abscess burst, and 
the Maharajah recovered, and though a shot im- 
prudently fired one evening led to a panic when 
the bazaar was deserted, things soon settled down 
again. 

As soon as the Maharajah was again able to 
transact business, he begged me to write to the 
Government of India and request that the Jubraj 
should be acknowledged by them as his successor. I 
did so, at the same time strongly urging that the 
guarantee should be extended to the Jubraj's children, 
so as to preclude the possibility of a disputed suc- 
cession on his death. The Jubraj earnestly supported 
this request, but the Maharajah preferred adhering 
to the old Manipuri custom, which really seemed 
made to encourage strife. If, for instance, a man had 
ten sons, they all succeeded one after the other, 
passing over the children of the elder ones, but when 
the last one died, then his children succeeded as 
children of the last Eajah, to the exclusion of all the 
elder brothers' children. All the same, if these could 
make good their claim by force of arms, they were 
cheerfully accepted by the people who were ready to 
take any scion of Eoyalty. 

The consequence had always been in former days 
that to prevent troublesome claims, a man, on 
ascending the throne, immediately made every effort 
to murder all possible competitors. It is obvious 
that such a cumbersome system was undesirable, and 
I held that having once interfered we ought to set 
things on a proper and sensible basis, and that there 

o 2 



196 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

was no middle course between this and leaving the 
people to themselves. Thangal Major, who always 
greatly dreaded the violent and unscrupulous dis- 
position of Kotwal Koireng (afterwards Senapattee), 
agreed with me. The Maharajah, however, with a 
father's tenderness for his sons, would not advocate 
my proposal, but still, would have gladly accepted it. 
The Government of India judged differently, and 
only sanctioned my proposal so far as to allow 
me to say that they would guarantee the Jubraj's 
succession, and maintain him on his throne. This 
decision gave great satisfaction. 

This year was unpleasantly distinguished by a 
great deficiency of rain in tie valley, and a corre- 
sponding superfluity, though at irregular intervals, 
in the hills. For a long time there were appre- 
hensions of scarcity, while in the hills the rainfall 
was so heavy that the Laimetak bridge was washed 
away and the river rose six feet above its banks. 
On one side, a large portion of its pebbly bed was 
hollowed out, and much widened, and 80 feet width 
of solid boulders carried away. The Eerung rose 
about 40 feet, and portions of the hill road were cut 
away, but the want of steady rain was felt. 

By the end of September, the Maharajah was able 
to transact business, though, as he was not well 
enough to visit me, I visited him, that I might 
congratulate him on his recovery, and present him 
with Her Majesty's warrant, appointing him a 
Knight Commander of the Star of India. The 
papers bearing the Queen's signature were received 
with a salute of thirty-one guns, and the Maharajah 
rose to take it from my hand, and at once placed it 



THE STAR OF INDIA. 197 

on his forehead, making an obeisance, I then made 
a speech to all assembled, expressing my satisfaction 
at the Maharajah's recovery, and the gratification it 
gave me to be the means of conveying the warrant 
to him. 

Nothing of great importance now occurred, but I 
was constantly occupied by the troubled state of the 
eastern frontier of Manipur where Sumjok (Thoung- 
doot) continued to intrigue with the Ohussad and 
Ohoomyang Kukis, who were a ceaseless trouble to 
the Tankhool Nagas, about Chattik. These intrigues 
were conducted with a view to gaining over the 
latter as subjects. The chief difficulty of Manipur 
was, that the boundary had never been properly 
defined, so neither party had a good case against the 
other. Manipur was in possession, but otherwise 
everything was unsatisfactory, our failure to settle 
the Kongal case having encouraged the Burmese 
authorities to resistance. 



198 MY BXPEEIENCES IN MAOTPTIK. 



CHAPTER XXII. 

Marcli to Mao and improvement of the road — Lieutenant Raban — Constant 
troubles with. Burmah — Visit to Mr. Elliott at Kohima — A tiger 
hunt made easy — ^A perilous adventure — Bose bushes — Brutal conduct 
of Prince Koireng — ^We leave Manipur for England. 

In November, I marched to Mao on the Naga Hills 
frontier, and arranged for the improvement of some 
of the halting places on the way. I also asked 
Sir Steuart Bayley, the Chief Commissioner, to 
allow Lieutenant Raban, R.E., to visit Manipur, 
with a view to laying out the line of a cart road 
from the Manipur valley to Mao. This arrangement 
he sanctioned, and Lieutenant Raban arrived in 
Manipur on December 30th, 1880. The line from 
Sengmai was bad throughout, and an exceedingly 
difficult one in many places. Thangal Major accom- 
panied us, and I had induced the Maharajah to open 
out a narrow road, on being supplied with the 
necessary tools. We carefully examined the whole 
of the road in detail, and, after deciding on the line 
to adopt, cut the trace. It was a matter requiring 
great skill and patience, both of which Lieutenant 
Raban had. He was very ably seconded by the 
Manipuris, whose keen intelligence made them good 
auxiliaries. Often the line had to be cut a,long the 
face of a cliff, but fortunately the rock was soft, and 
the work was accomplished without accident. The 



A NEW ROAD. 199 

way we turned the head of the Mao river, the 
descent to and ascent from which I had so often, so 
painfully accomplished, was a great success, and did 
not materially increase the distance, as we saved it 
by striking the main path at different points.* 

In the village of Mukhel near which we passed, 
we saw a pear tree three or four hundred years old, 
and greatly venerated by the villagers. In the 
same village I saw a Naga cut another man's hair 
with a dao (sword). The operation was performed 
most dexterously and neatly, by holding the dao 
under the hair, and then slightly tapping the latter 
with a small piece of wood. The result was that the 
hair-cutting was as neatly accomplished as it could 
have been by the best London hair-dresser. I asked 
a fine young Naga why all his tribe wore a single 
long tuft of hair at the back ? He at once replied, 
"To make the girls admire me," and added that 
without it, he should be laughed at. This is the 
only explanation I ever had of the curious fact that 
most of the Naga tribes wear a long tuft behind, 
like Hindoos. By the third week in January we 
had laid out the line of road. Thangal Major 
approved of most of it, but said, regarding the piece 
between Sengmai and Kaithemahee, " I will cut it as 
I promised, but who will ever use it ? " I differed 
from him, as nothing could exceed the tortuous and 
hilly nature of the old road, running as it did across 
one succession of spurs and deep ravines, one of 
the most heart-breaking paths I ever went along. 

* This was the road along wliicli Colonel Johnstone had marched to 
relieve Kohima. The old route from the capital of Manipur to Cachar was 
easy enough in comparison. — Ed. 



200 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

Within a montli of its completion the old path was 
entirely deserted. 

My health was beginning to break down entirely. 
I had been yery ill during and immediately after the 
Naga Hills Expedition, and during the last march I 
was laid up one or two days. My wife had long 
been a sufferer, but she did not like to leave me, and 
I did not like to leave Manipur while the frontier 
was disturbed and the Kongal case unsettled. How- 
ever, now I felt that we both must have change, 
and our children also were of an age to go home. 

On my return from looking after the road, fresh 
complications awaited me. News came from Ohattik 
of the Sumjok (Thoungdoot) authorities having 
again caused dissension and joined with another 
village in firing on a Manipuri piquet. This had led to 
reprisals on the part of the Manipuris, who attacked 
and drove out the enemy. All this was done with- 
out our relations with Sumjok being anything but 
strained, the act of hostility being unauthorised. 
The ill-defined nature of the frontier was such, that 
neither party could be said to be in the right or 
wrong. The Kuki, Chussad, and other frontier 
villages took advantage of the state of things to 
plunder the Tankhools, and the latter in their turn 
appealed to Manipur. 

I felt that, until something was done to set things 
on a right footing, I could not leave. Sir Steuart 
Bayley was about this time appointed to Hyderabad, 
which added to my difficulties, as he was intimately 
acquainted with the situation, and of course a change 
in the administration necessarily means delay. The 
Burmese authorities, knowing what I now do, were 



GUERILLA WAEPAEB. 201 

always, as I then believed, favourably inclined to us ; 
the ill-feeling was entirely on the part of Sumjok, 
whose Tsa]wbwa had influence at Mandalay, and was 
able to prevent justice being done in' the case in 
which he was so discreditably concerned. He also 
took advantage of this influence to carry on the 
guerilla warfare he did through the Ohussads, who 
disliked Manipur, on account of some treacherous 
behaviour on her part in former years. 

As the spring advanced, of course the danger 
of hostilities became less. Csesar said, " Omnia bella 
hieme requiescunt." The reverse holds good in India, 
and on the eastern frontier the fiercest tribes keep 
quiet in the rainy season.* 

In March, I heard that Mr. (now Sir Charles) 
Elliott, the new Chief Commissioner, was about to 
visit Kohima, where he wished to meet me, and I set 
off on my way there, arriving on the 19 th, being well 
received all along the road by the people of the 
different villages. I had a long talk with the Chief 
Commissioner about the affairs of Manipur, and the 
necessity for a survey and delimitation of the boun- 
dary between it and Burmah during the ensuing 
cold weather, and then returned. The new road had 
been opened out to such a width, escept here and 
there — I was able to ride the whole distance. 

The weather was lovely, and the rhododendrons 
near Mao, and the wild pears, azaleas, and many 
other flowering trees along my route, made the long- 
journey a most pleasant one. Let me say here, while 
on the subject of the road, that, notwithstanding all 
the criticisms passed on it and predictions of its 

; _ , . , . . * All wars r?st in wntQr. ^ , ; 



202 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUK. 

Tiselessness, it proved of immense, nay, incalculable 
value during the Burmese War of 1885-86, and the 
sad troubles of 1891. It was throughout of an easy 
gradient, never exceeding one in twenty, and, had a 
bullock train been established, might have been used 
from an early date for conveying produce from 
Manipur to the stations of Kohima. 

This was my last visit to Kohima, a place fraught 
with so deep an interest to me, and so many pleasant 
and painful associations. I shall always regret that 
the site chosen by myself and Major Williamson was 
not adopted for the new cantonment, which, with the 
larger space available, would have admitted of a 
greater development than is possible under present 
circumstances. Still the place will always possess 
an undying interest for me, filled as it is with the 
memory of events bearing on my work from the 
early triumphs of old G-humbeer Singh, and my pre- 
decessor, Lieut. Grordon, to the day when I marched 
in at the head of the relieving party, and heard the 
fair-haired English child told by her mother that at 
last she could have water to drink ! 

On my return to Manipur, I intended to have 
started for England, and our passages were taken by 
a steamer leaving in April. But the unsettled state 
of the Burmese frontier forced me to stay till the 
rains had set in in the hills. During this spring 
we had a visitor, Mr. Hume, C.B., the well-known 
ornithologist, who spent three months in studying 
the birds of Manipur, with the result, I believe, that 
very few new species were found. 

In April, we had a little excitement to vary the 
monotony of life, though to me my work was of such 



TIGER SHOOTING. 203 

never-ending interest, that I needed nothing of the 
kind. On April 13th, the Maharajah sent to tell me 
that a tiger had been surrounded, and asked me to 
go out and help to shoot it. The place was about 
fourteen miles from the capital, and we started 
early and rode off to a spot a few miles from 
Thobal. 

I took my sister and the two boys with me, my 
wife staying with the baby. The tiger had, ac- 
cording to Manipuri custom, been first enclosed by a 
long net, about eight feet high, and outside this a 
bamboo palisading had been erected, on which the 
platforms were built for the spectators. The space 
enclosed was eighty to a hundred yards in diameter, 
and contained grass and scrub jungle, and a log of 
wood tied to strong ropes was arranged, so that it 
might be dragged up and down to drive the tiger 
out of the covert. As soon as we were all in our 
places this rope was vigorously pulled, with the 
result that a tigress, followed by two cubs, sprang 
out with a loud roar. The Jubraj was present, and 
took command of the proceedings, courteously asking 
me from time to time what I wished done. After 
the first charge, the tiger was not very lively, and 
this being the case, several Manipuris, contrary to 
orders, jumped down into the arena with long and 
heavy spears in the right hand, and a small forked 
stick in the left. "With the latter they held up a 
portion of the net, which had been allowed to fall on 
the ground to shield their faces, if necessary, and 
with the right hand poised the spear, shouting to 
irritate the tiger, whom others in the stockade tried 
to drive out by throwing stones. 



204 MT EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

Eoused by this, tbe iufuriated brute charged in 
earnest at one of the men on foot, the latter awaited 
her with the utmost coolness, and, as she approached, 
struck her with the spear ; the tiger, however, made 
good her charge, but the net stopped her, and she 
rolled over, and when released, she retreated. This 
was repeated, both by the tigress and the cubs, and 
after a shot or two, the men on foot attacked them 
with spears and finished them off. 

The whole scene was a very exciting one and a 
very fine display of courage and coolness on the part 
of the Manipuris. 

We did not reach home till 10 p.m., but the 
weather was splendid, not unbearably hot as it 
would have been in India so late in the season. 
The day was a memorable one to the boys, and I well 
remember the astonishment they caused when, stop- 
ping at Shillong on their way home, some one 
jokingly said, " And how many tigers have you 
shot ? " The boys gravely replied " Three." 

The day was very nearly proving the last to some 
of us. The two boys were being carried in a litter, 
and my sister and I riding on ponies. On leaving 
the village where we had halted, we were riding 
down a narrow path with only room for one to pass 
at a time, when, suddenly, I heard a shout behind me 
and saw an elephant following me at a great pace, 
the mahout (driver) vainly endeavoured to stop him, 
he had been frightened by the tiger's dead body and 
was quite unmanageable. I called to my sister, who 
was in front, to ride at full speed, and I followed as 
quickly as her pony would allow. It was a race for 
life, as, had the elephant gained on us, I, at least, must 



NARROW ESCAPE. 205 

have been crushed. Luckily, the mahout recovered 
his control, and managed to slacken the pace. 

On our way home, we passed bushes of wild roses 
twenty feet in diameter and quite impenetrable. 

Finally, the tiger was taken to the Maharajah, who 
had not been well enough to come, and, next morning, 
was brought to us and skinned. 

I have already alluded to the turbulent character 
of Kotwal Koireng, the Maharajah's fourth son, and 
now, again, I was to have fresh evidence of it. Early 
in May, I heard of his having three men so severely 
beaten that one had died, and two were dangerously 
ill. On investigation, I found that the men had been 
tied up and beaten on the back, it was said, for two 
hours and slapped on the face at the same time. I 
questioned the ministers, and practically there was no 
defence, and, as I heard that the Maharajah was 
enquiring into the matter, I said no more, beyond a 
warning that a case of murder must not be passed 
over. 

The Maharajah handed over the case to the Cherap 
Court* for trial, and, as might be expected, they ac- 
quitted Kotwal of the charge of causing death and 
found him guilty of injuring the other two. The 
Maharajah sentenced him to banishment for a year to 
the island of Thanga, in the Logtak Lake, and tem- 
porary degradation of caste. As a sentence of two 
years' imprisonment had been passed some years 
previously in our own territory, for death caused 
under similar circumstances, the sentence was not so 
lenient as might have been expected. I reported 
the matter to the Government of India, expressing 

• Chief Court. 



206 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

my approval of the sentence, under the circumstances, 
and my verdict was ratified. I intimated to the 
Durbar that, should such a thing occur again, I should 
insist on his permanent banishment from Manipur. 

This I was prepared to carry out myself if neces- 
sary. I should have liked on this occasion to have 
procured his banishment, but, in dealing with Native 
States that in these matters are practically indepedent, 
it is not always well to press matters too far. In old 
days, under our early political agents, such an offence 
would have passed unnoticed. It was a point gained 
to have the case investigated and adjudicated on by 
the Maharajah, and anything approaching to an 
adequate sentence inflicted. Since the troubles in 
Manipur, I have seen it stated that the sentence was 
a nominal one ; that it certainly was not, the prince 
was banished to Thanga, and if he surreptitiously 
appeared at the capital, he did not appear in public, 
and when I left Manipur on long leave, early in 1882, 
was still in banishment. 

On May 31st, we all left Manipur on our way to 
England, and my children bade adieu to a most 
happy home. It was a sad parting for most of us, 
and though my wife's health and mine urgently re- 
quired change, we left the valley with regret, and 
felt deep sorrow as we took our last look of it from 
the adjacent range of hills. "We" reached Cachar on 
June 8th, having halted as much as possible on high 
ground. The rivers were in flood, and sometimes there 
was a little difficulty in crossing. We left for Shil- 
long on June 9th, and arrived there on the 15th, 
leaving again on the 21st for Bombay, from which, 
on July 5th, we sailed for England. 



EBTUEN TO ENGLAND. 207 

While at Shillong we were the guests of the Chief 
Commissioner, so that I had an ample opportunity of 
talking over affairs with him, and it was finally 
settled that I was to take Shillong on my way back, 
and see Mr. Elliott before leaving, to settle the knotty 
question of the boundary between Manipur and 
Burmah on the spot, in accordance with orders 
lately received from the Grovernment of India. 



208 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTEE XXIII. 

Eetum to Manipur — Revolution in my absence — Arrangements for 
boundary — Survey and settlement — Start for Kongal — Burmah will 
not act — We settle boundary — Report to Government — Return to 
England. 

I "WAS really not fit to undertake any work in India 
till my health, was re-established, but could not bear 
to leave the interests of Manipur in other hands until 
the boundary was settled. I felt that I alone had 
the threads of the whole affair in my hands, and that 
I could not honourably leave my post till I had seen 
Manipur out of. the difficulty. Thus it came that 
I left England again on September 7th, and my 
devoted wife, far less fit than I was for the trials of 
the long journey, accompanied me, as she would not 
leave me alone. 

"We reached Shillong on October 18th, 1881, and, 
after arranging all matters connected with the 
boundary settlement with the Chief Commissioner, 
started for Cachar, and reached that place on 
October 25thj leaving again for Manipur next day, 
and marching to Jeree Grhat, where we were met by 
Thangal Major. "We made the usual marches, and 
reached Manipur on November 4th, the Jubraj 
coming out with a large retinue to meet me at 
Phoiching, eight miles from the capital. 

"While I was away in the month of June, an 



THE BOUNDAEY SURVEY. '209 

attetnpt at a reyplution had QccTjrred, the, standard of 
revolt having been raised by a plan named. Eerengha; 
an nnknown individual, but claiming to 'be of Royal 
lineage ; such revolutions were of common dccurrence 
in former days. In Colonel McCulloch's tirpe there 
were eighteen. In this case' there was no result, 
except that Eerengha and seventeen followers were 
captured and executed. The treatment was un- 
doubtedly severe, but not necessarily too much so, as 
too great leniency might have led to a repetition, and 
much consequent suffering and bloodshed. 

I had an interview with the Maharajah, who was 
ill when I arrived, as soon as he was well enough; 
and set to work to make preparations for, our march 
to the Burmese frontier. I intimated my desire to 
the Maharajah that Bularam Singh, and not Thangal 
Major, should accompany me, as I wished ; the last to 
stay at the capital, and also not to let him appear to 
be absolutely indispensable. 

I had been appointed Commissioner for settling 
the boundary with . plenipotentiary powers, and 
Mr. E. Phayre, C.S., who was in the Burmese 
commission, and ^ good Burmese scholar, was ap- 
pointed as my alssistant. There was also a survey 
party under my old friend Colonel Badgley, and 
Mr. Ogle, while Lieutenant (now Major, D.S.O.) Dun,* 
came on behalf of the Intelligence Department. Mr. 
(Dldham represented the Geological Survey. Dr. 
Watt was naturalist and medical officer, while Captain 
Angelo, with two hundred men of the 12th Khelat-i- 
G-hilzie Eegiment, commanded my escort. Mr. Phayre 
arrived first, and I sent him off to Tamu to try and 

* Major Edward -Dun died oh the 5th of Jua&, 1895. — ^^Ed. 

P 



210 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

smbotPirover matters witli tlie Burmese authorities 
there. Th^nmy Old friead Dun c^me, soon followed 
by Dr? Watt, then the survey party arrived, and 
Captain Augelo with rdy escort, and last of all Mr. 
Oldham. "Never had Manipur seen ■so mainy Euro- 
pean officers. S'bmetime was required for necessary 
triaugulations before we could start. 
' On November 30th, just as the sun was rising, 
Thangal Major came to see me, and told me that the 
Maharajah was very ill and suffering great pain. 
While talking, two guns were fired from the palace, 
;when the old man turned pale, evidently thinking 
^hat the Maharajah was dead. A few minutes after 
a messenger came to inform us that the guns merely 
announced; a domestic evenly' but Thangal Major was 
Inervous and 'soon took leave, running away to the 
(pialace at a" pace that did credit to his sixty-four 
yearsi ' ^.. ■--" ^ ' 

On December 1st, Mr. Bhayre returned, from Tamu, 
having had a friendly but unsatisfactory interview 
fwith the Phoongyee. The Pagan Woon had been 
-expected but did not arrive, and the Phoongyee had 
■no: authority to act. -^ 

, Before starting, the Maharajah visited me in state, 
'and I introduced all the officers of the party to him. 
He looked pale and haggard after his illness, -but 
.seemed in good spirits. At last, on December 16thi 
we made a move and marched to Thobal-Yaira-pok^ 
and on the following day to Ingorok,' at the foot of 
tlie hills. My wife accompanied us, as I was ex- 
ceedingly anxious to show the Burmese my peaceful 
intentions, and felt sure that the presence of a lady 
would, be a better proof of my bona fides than any 



BURMESE ILL-WILL. -211 

other I could offer. I heard before leaving the 
frontier, that had it not been for this, a rupture 
would have been certain while our relations were in 
a state of great tension, but the fact of my wife being 
there, convinced the authorities in the Kubo Valley, 
that I had no idea of hostile action. 

I have already described the route to Kongal, and 
my escort were much tried by the severity of the 
marches over such a rough country. The men had 
only lately returned from Afghanistan, and were in 
fine condition, but they said that the country between 
Kandahar and Kabul, was nothing to that between' 
Ingorok and Kongal Tannah. Every day many men 
were footsore, and reached camp, hours after me and 
my Manipuris. There ca,n be no doubt that for somd 
reason or other the Eastern hills and jungles are far 
more trying than those of the North-West frontier. 

However, at last we arrived safely at Kongal, and 
though the Burmese and Sumjok officials, to whom I 
had written polite letters asking them to meet me; 
did not turn up, the survey work went on merrily. - 

On the 18th, Colonel Badgley, who had come by 
an independent rotite through the hills, joined my 
camp, and after a conference we came to the con- 
clusion that at any rate I was right in claiming the 
country occupied by the Chussads and Choomyangs, 
as Manipuri territory. This was very satisfactory, 
as the day before I had been much annoyed by the 
Sumjok authoritifes having prevented some of the 
former fears coming to pay their respects to me. 
The attitude of the Sumjok people was, passively 
hostile, they refused to join in making out the 
boundary, and threw every obstacle in the -way- of 

p 2 



21^ MY BXPERIEITCES IN MANIPUR. 

my doing so, but they were evidently not inclined to 
be the first to shed blood. 

; On December 19th, I sent out two unarmed 
parties to clear some ground for survey marks, but 
one of, tliem was stopped by an armed party of 
Sumjok men. On hearing this the next day I 
ordered the Manipuri subadar in charge, to halt 
where he was, and I wrote to the Pagan Woon to 
complain, and to ask him to order the Tsawbwaa to 
interfere. On the 21st, I heard that another party 
had been stopped, and I asked with regard to them 
as I had done with the first. That afternoon I 
received a civil letter from the Pagan Woon brought 
by a Bo (captain), saying that he had orders to 
conduct negotiations at Tamu, and was not authorised 
to come to Kon^al Tannah. I wrote a conciliatory 
reply urging him to visit us. 

On the 22nd of December, I heard that my two 
parties had been forcibly driven out by large bodies 
of armed men. I therefore called in some Manipuri 
detachments lest there should be a collision, as 
the atmosphere was getting very warlike, and only 
required a spark to produce a conflagration. All 
the population of the Kubo valley were said to be 
^rming. The Burmese we talked to frankly ad- 
mitted if there was a rupture the fault would lie 
with Mandalay, for not sending a proper repre- 
sentati-ve to meet me, in accordance with the re- 
quest of the Government of India, conveyed months 
before. 

Certainly one false move on our part would have 
provoked a rupture. However, everything comes 
to him who waits. We made every effbrt to keep 



A CHRISTMAS PARTY, 213 

the peace, and while the authorities were opposing 
us we kept up a friendly intercourse with all the 
individual Burmese and Shans near us, and I carried 
on negotiation with the Kukis. The Chussads were 
inclined to be friendly, but the Choomyangs were 
still under the influence of Sumjok, Fortunately 
Colonel Badgley found that he could dispense with 
the two points from whence our men had been 
driven, and we discovered a little stream that formed 
an admirable boundary line entirely in accordance 
with the terms laid down in Pemberton's definition 
of the boundary. 

Further north, I knew the country well myself, 
and we had now no difficulty in laying down a. 
definite boundary line about which there could be 
no doubt. This was done, and pillars were erected, 
and the line marked on the map. Manipur might, 
according to Pemberton's statement, have claimed a 
good deal of territory occupied by Burmese subjects, 
but this I refused to allow, as it would have been 
interfering with the " status quo" which I desired to 
preserve. I called all the Sumjok people I could to 
witness what I had done, and they all agreed that 
what I said was fair, and that the fault, if any, lay 
with the Burmese authorities, for not taking part in 
the arrangement. This was willing testimony, as 
none of the people need have come near me. Even 
Tamoo, the chief of Old Sumjok, or Taap, as the 
Manipuris call it, visited me, and expressed his 
satisfaction with what had been done. On Christmas 
Day, 1881, my wife and I had a party of seven at 
our table, an unprecedented sight, and probably the 
last time that nine Europeans will ever assemble at 



;214 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

Kongal Tannah,' My friend Dun, who had been 
badly wounded by a pangee (bamboo stake) had to 
be carried in. ■ • 

Before leaving Kongal, I went round all the 
pillars that had been erected, and saw that they 
were intact. Mr. Ogle's party went off to the north, 
escorted through the village of Choomyaiig by Lieu- 
tenant Dun. These people being under tlie influence 
of Sunijok, it was a very delicate business getting 
through their village without a rupture. This- affair 
Dim managed with great tact. "We left Kongal on 
our homeward journey on the 6th of January, but 
previous to starting I brought my long-standing 
negotiations with the Chussads to a successful con- 
clusion. They agreed to negotiate with me but not 
with the Manipuris, and to abide by my decision 
entirely. 

I sent a message to the Choomyangs and other 
Kukis who had given trouble, telling them that they 
were undoubtedly within Mauipur, and that I gave 
, them • forty-two days in which to submit, or clear 
,out, adding, that if at the end of that time they gave 
any trouble, they would be treated as rebels and 
attacked without, more ceremony. Eventually they 
submitted and became peaceful subjects of Manipur. 
As to the great -question — that of the boundary — I 
may here add that it received the sanction of the 
Government of India, and proved a thorough success. 
Though not noticing it officially, the Burmese prac- 
tically acknowledged it, and it remained intact, till 
the Kubo valley became a British possession in 
December 1885. 

My wife and I reached Manipur on the 9 th of 



_ AMICABLE ^EJTLEMBNT. , _ , S15 

January, having made the last two marches in one, 
and next day were joined by Mr. Phayre, who had 
come, vid Tamu. He gave it as his opinion, that 
the Pagan Woon was greatly disappointed at having 
had no authority from Maiidalay to negotiate with 
me, and described him as a sensible well-disposed 
man. 

I had now to write my report of my mission, and 
having . finished this, and handed over charge to my 
successor, I left Manipur-with my wife on the 29th 
of January, reaching Caehar, where we met Mr. 
Elliott, the Chief Commissioner, pn 5th of February. 
We left that evening by boat, and travelling with 
the utmost speed possible, with such means as we 
possessed, reached Naraingunge, near Dacca, and 
after waiting two days for a steamer went to Cal- 
cutta, vicl Goalundo, and thence to Bombay and 
England, where we arrived in March, both of us 
very much in need of a prolonged rest. 



215 MY ESPEBIENCEg.IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Return to India — ^Visit Shillong — ^Manipur again — Cordial reception — 
Trouble with Thangal Major — New arts introduced. 

I LEFT for India again in August 1884. I bad 
had but a sad period of sick leave, as my wife never 
"recovered from her fatigue and illness, and died in 
1883. I was obliged to prolong my leave to make 
arrangements for my children. 

I took over charge of the Manipur Agency on the 
1st October, 1884, at Shillong, and stayed a few 
days with the Chief Commissioner. I left again on 
8th October and reached Cachar on the 15th, having 
made every effort to push on, and given my boat- 
men double pay for doing so. On my way to 
Cachar, I met people who complained to me of the 
way they had been treated in Manipur while I was 
away, and of the arrogance displayed by old Thangal 
Major, who, during my absence, had become almost 
despotic. Thangal was an excellent man when kept 
well in hand, but he required to be managed with 
great firmness. During the Maharajah's increasing 
illness, a good opportunity was given to a strong 
man to come to the front, and Thangal took ad- 
vantage of it. On 20th October, I reached Jeereo 
Ghat, and was received with great effusion by the 
Minister Bularam Singh. At Kala Naga on the 
22nd, I heard definite complaints against Thangal, a 



COMPLAINTS. 217 

sure proof that gometiaing very bad was going on, 
as no one would have ventured to complain without 
grave provocation. Bularam Singh was Thangal's 
rival, so I asked him nothing, knowing well that I 
should hear as much as I wanted at Manipur. At 
Noongha, next day, there were fresh complaints, the 
charge being, that men told off to work on. the roads 
were being used by Thangal to carry merchandize 
for himself. 

At Leelanong, overlooking the beautiful Kowpoom 
valley, some Nagas (Koupooees) brought me a man 
of their tribe who had been carried off as a boy by 
the Lushais, and only lately redeemed. He was still 
in Lushai costume, and though shorter and fairer, he 
greatly resembled one of that tribe, showing what an 
influence dress has. 

On 28th October, I arrived at Bissenpore, in- 
tending to march to the capital next day, but was 
delayed by an unpleasant circumstance. It was, as 
already mentioned, the custom for the Maharajah to 
meet me at the entrance to the capital on my arrival, 
but knowing that he was not well, I asked the 
minister to write and say that I did not expect him 
to do so, but I would invite the Jubraj to meet me 
at Phoiching, half-way between the capital and 
Bissenpore instead. I also wrote the same to my 
head clerk, Baboo Rusni Lall Coondoo, asking him 
■ to notify my wishes to the Durbar, as I felt it 
extremely likely that were Bularam Singh alone to 
write, old Thangal might intrigue and throw 
obstacles in the way to discredit him with me 
■iind the Durbar. The minister's letters, were not 
answered, but 1 heard from Rusni Lall Coondoo, 



218 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANEPUE. 

that he asked to see the Jubraj who had already 
heard from Bularam Singh, but he was told that he 
was ill. After a grpat deal of del^y an interview 
was accorded, and though he appeared quite y^eW, 
the iTubraj said he was too ill to corne, but would 
send a younger brother. Feeling sure that there 
was nothing to prevent his coming, I sent a message 
of sympathy, also to say, that I would wait at Bissen- 
pore till he recovered. I knew perfectly welt that 
all this story had emanated from Thangal Major's 
brain, and that I was to be subjected to incon^ 
veuience and want of courtesy, in order to snub his 
colleague. He had suffered from a sore foot which 
prevented his coming to Jeeree Ghat to meet me and 
he could not forgive Bularam Singh for having taken 
his place. The Jubraj ought to have known better, 
but among natives any slight offered to a superior is 
an enhancement to one's own dignity, so from this 
point of view he would gain in his own estimation. 

On the morning of October 30th, as soon as I was 
dressed, I saw Thangal Major outside my hut. I 
heard afterwards that, directly my decision had been 
communicated to the Durbar, he had volunteered to 
come out, and as he said, bring me in. When we 
had had a little friendly conversation, he with his 
usual bluntness, which I did not object to, asked me 
to go in, saying that the Wankai Rakpa* would 
meet me, the Jubraj being ill. I firmly declined, 
saying that I would wait till he recovered. He then 
assured me that the real cause was the critical state 
of the Jubraj's wife. I doubted the truth, but fi 
lady being in the case, courtesy and good feeling 

* Known as Eegent during the recent troubles. 



RETURN TO MANIPUR. 219 

demanded that I should accept the statement as an 
excuse, and I therefore said I would leave, if the 
Wankai Rakpa and another prince met me on behalf 
of the Jubraj. This was at once agreed to, and I 
therefore, marched off, being met in great state by 
the two princes, who rode by my side all the way. 
As I neared the capital, a vast crowd came out to 
meet me, the numbers increasing at every step, and 
I was received with every demonstration of respect 
and sympathy, many of those who knew my wife 
showing a delicacy of feeling that greatly moved me. 
Old Thangal, when I met him, spoke very kindly on 
the subject, saying, "It is sad to see you return alone, 
and we know what it must be to you." Numberless 
were the enquiries by name after all the children. 
At last I reached the Eesidency, where my old 
attendants were ready to do all they could for me. 
It was something like home, old books, furniture, 
children's toys, still here and there, and in a corner 
of the verandah my little girl's litt,er, in which she 
was carried out morning and evening, but the faces 
that make home were away. 

I mention the foregoing incident regarding the 
Jubraj, as it is a good example of the small diffi- 
culties connected with etiquette, that one has to 
contend with in a place like Manipur. The question 
is far more important than it seems. Any relaxation 
in a trifling matter like this, seems to Asiatics a sign 
that you are disposed to relax your vigilance in 
graver questions. Indeed, to a native chief, etiquette 
itself is a very grave matter, and many terrible 
jquarrels have arisen from it. I well remember a 
slight being offered to the Viceroy, because a Rajah 



220 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

fancied he had uot received all the honours due 
to him. 

I found a crop of small difficulties awaiting me in 
Manipur, the Durbar, and especially old Thangal, had 
got out of hand, and had to be pulled up a little. 
There were numberless complaints from British 
subjects of petty oppression which had to be listened 
to, and I felt it rather hard having this unpleasant 
duty to perform just after my return ; but it was 
duty, and had to be done, and by dint of firmness> 
combined with courtesy, I soon set things right, but 
Thangal Major rather resented the steady pressure 
which I found it necessary to apply. 

Before leaving Manipur in 1881, I had sent off 
«ome Manipuris to Cawnpore to learn carpet making 
and leather work. When I returned, these meu had 
long been making use of their knowledge in Manipur, 
and I found that first-rate cotton carpets and boots, 
shoes and saddles of English patterns, had been 
manufactured for the Maharajah, the workmanship 
being in all cases creditable, and in that of the 
carpets most excellent. 

I tried to send men to Bombay to learn to make 
art pottery, and the Maharajah was at one time 
anxious about it, but the correspondence with the 
School of Art was conducted in so leisurely a 
manner on their side, extending over nearly a year, 
that he got tired of it, and declined to send the men. 
I had a little pottery made in Manipur, which I 
brought home with me, the only existing specimens 
of an art that died out in its infancy. 

I had several pieces of silver work made to try 
the mettle of the Manipuri silversmiths, one bowl, a 



MANIPUR AETISTS. 221 

most perfect copy of a Burmese bowl with figures on 
it in high relief, was beautifully executed, and still 
excites the admiration of all who see it. 

The Mussulman population of Manipur, was de- 
scended from early immigrants from India, Sylliet, 
and Cachar, who had married Manipuri wives ; they 
numbered about 5000, and were rather kept under 
by the Durbar, but to nothing like the same extent 
that Hindoos would have been under a Mussulman 
Government. Formerly, they had to prostrate them- 
selves before the Rajah like other subjects, but they 
having represented that this was against their 
religion, Chandra Kirtee Singh excused them from 
doing it, allowing a simple salaam instead. They, 
(probably owing to their dependent position), were 
not such an ill-mannered and disagreeable set as 
their co-religionists of Cachar, and were generally 
quiet and inoffensive. The headman of the sect 
received the title of Nawab from the Rajah. These 
men had a grievance to bring forward when I 
returned, and I procured them some redress. 

I visited the Maharajah in due course, and found 
him better than I expected, and I took an early 
opportunity of announcing my return to the Burmese 
authorities in the Kubo valley, receiving civil letters 
in return. Unfortunately, I found that great sore- 
ness still prevailed in Manipur on account of the 
non-settlement of the Kongal case, and I was con- 
stantly on the alert lest evil results should follow^ as 
I always suspected old Thangal of a desire to make 
reprisals. 

When I had a day to spare, I went to see my 
experimental garden and fir wood, at Kang-joop- 



222 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB. 

kdol, finding everything in a flourishing state, the 
wood a tangled thicket, with foxgloves and other 
English flowers growing in wild profusion. One 
morning when walking out, I saw some prisoners 
going to work, and. as they passed me, one or two 
looked as if they would like to speak. I accordingly 
passed by them again to give them an opportunity, 
when a man ran up and complained that he 
was imprisoned without any definite period being 
assigned, a common practice in Manipur. Another 
man, whom he called as a witness, spoke good Hin- 
doostani, and on my enquiring where he learned it, 
he said he was a Manipuri from Sylhet. I sent for 
him directly I got home, and he came with Thangal 
Major, and, as he was a British subject, and the 
Durbar had no right to imprison him, I sent for a 
smith, and had his irons struck off in my presence. 
I spoke quietly, but firmly to the Minister, but 
showed him plainly that I would not stand having 
British subjects imprisoned except by my orders. 
The man's offence was not paying a debt for which 
he was security, and the punishment was just, 
according to the laws of Manipur, and would have 
been in England before 1861. 



( 223 ) 



CHAPTER XXY. 

A friend in need — Tour round the valley — ^Meet the Chief Commissioner- 
March to Cachar — Tour through the Tankhool country — Metomie — 
Saramettie — Solnrah — Terrace cultivators — A dislocation — Old 
quarters at Kongal Tannah — Return to the valley — A sad parting. 

On the 26th of November, my old friend Lieutenant 
Dun (now Major Dun, D.S.O.), joined me. Knowing 
I wanted a friend to cheer me in my loneliness, he 
had very kindly accepted the permission of his de- 
partment to accompany me on a tour through the 
hills to the north-east of Manipur. No European 
Was more deservedly popular of late years among all 
classes in Manipur, where he had visited me once or 
twice before. I felt his kindness deeply, he was 
always a charming, genial and highly intellectual 
companion, and many a long and tiring march was 
cheered by his society. On the 2nd of December, 
we started on a preliminary tour round the west and 
south of the valley, visiting the Logtak lake, with its 
floating islands, its island-hill of Thanga, with its 
orange gardens and place of exile, and large fishing 
establishment. When I first arrived in Manipur, 
oranges were a rarity. Now, owing to the enter- 
prise of the Maharajah in planting trees, they were 
fairly common, and here we were able to gather 
them. The orange- tree is capricious and all soils 



22i MY EXPBRIIiNCElS IN MANIPUR. 

will not suit it, and up to the fifth or sixth year it is 
always liable to be attacked by a grub that kills it, 
after that it becomes hardier. I never was very 
successful with orange trees, though I took great 
pains with them. From the Logtak lake, we 
marched to a place called Thonglel, in the hills, 
where we were met by all the representatives of the 
Kukis in that direction, thentee to a place called 
Koombee, a settlement of Loees, low-caste Manipuris. 
Afterwards we marched to Ohairel on the main river 
into which all the rivers of Manipur flow before it 
enters the hills to the south of the valley. After 
visiting Shoogoonoo, a frontier post, we returned to 
the capital, on December 11th, after a very pleasant 
tour of one hundred and forty-six miles in nine 
marching days. 

"We next marched up the road to the Naga Hills, 
meeting the Chief Commissioner, Mr. Elliott, at 
Mao, and returning with him to Manipur, where the 
usual visits were exchanged. After a day or two's 
halt, the Chief Commissioner set out for Cachar and I 
accompanied him to the frontier at Jeeree GrhSt, 
returning to Manipur by forced marches. The 
bridge over the Mukker had been broken by a fallen 
tree, but the river, so formidable in the rains, was 
easily fordable. A short time before reaching the 
summit of Kala Naga, a pretty little incident 
occurred, which I have never forgotten. Some of 
my coolies were toiling up the steep ascent with 
their loads, when two young Kukis met us with 
smiling faces as if something had given them great 
pleasure. They immediately made two of the men 
with me put down their loads, and topk them up 



A KIND ACT. 225 

themselves to relieve the wearied ones. On my 
enquiry who they were, they said they were friends 
of my coolies and had come to help them. It was 
one of the prettiest sights I ever saw, the pleasure the 
two men seemed to derive from doing a kind act. 
Dun and I reached Manipur on the 10th of January. 
Soon after my return, in fact before the evening, a 
Lushai was brought to me who had been found in 
the jungle with his hands tightly fastened together 
by a bar of iron fashioned into a rude pair of hand- 
cuffs. He appeared to be mad, but harmless, and 
had probably been kept in confinement by his own 
people and had escaped. I had the irons taken oflP, 
and ordered him to be cared for, but he soon ran off 
in the direction of his own country. 

On the 21st of January, Dun and I set off on our 
tour through the Tankhool country. We marched 
via Lairen and Noongsuangkong, already described. 
The country had been surveyed, but the surveyors 
had taken names of villages given by men from the 
Naga Hills district, and they were unrecognisable to 
the native inhabitants. Much of my march, after 
leaving Noonsuangkoong, was through a new country^ 
and a very interesting and lovely country it was. 
The benefits of being under a strong government 
were evident in the peace that reigned everywhere. 
The Manipuri language also had spread, and in some 
villages seemed to be used by every one, while in 
others even children understood it. It was evidently 
the common commercial language. 

On the 26th, we halted on the Lainer river, the 
large village of Gazephimi being far above us at 
some miles distant. It was late in the afternoon but 

Q 



226 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

Dun wanted to see all he could, and accompanied 
by some hardy Manipuris started. They all returned 
in a suspiciously short space of time, just at nightfall, 
Dun having astonished every one by his marching 
powers. He described the villagers as a surl}'', 
morose set, the description always given of them. 

On January 28th we reached Jessami, a fine 
village of the Sozai tribe ; they much resembled the 
Mao people. They crowded round us and were 
much pleased when we showed them our watches, 
and allowed them to feel our boots and socks. Some 
of the houses were large and well stocked with rice. 
One old man took us into his house and showed us a 
shield carefully wrapped up in cloth that bore the 
tokens of his having slain fifteen people. The 
village contained no skulls, and our friends told us 
that they obeyed orders and killed no one. We 
enquired about the snowy peak of Saramettie, 
which was visible from some point not far dis ant, 
but the people assured us that they had never heard 
of it. 

On the 29th, some Metomi men came in with a 
young man who acted as interpreter, he having been 
captured, and then kept as a guest in Manipur for 
some time, to learn the language, by Bularam Singh, 
who was the Minister accompanying me. He seemed 
quite pleased to see his old host. The Metomi people 
were a strange set, quite naked, except for a cloth 
over the shoulders in cold weather. They are 
slighter built than the Angamis and Tankhools. 
They could count up to one hundred, and three of 
their numerals, four, six and seven, are the same as 
in the Manipuri language. They wear their hair 



FRIENDLY VILLA.GBRS. 227 

cut across the forehead Hke some of the tribes in 
Assam. Their patterns of weaving rather resembled 
those of the Abors and Kasias, but were finer. They 
wore ear-rings of brass wire very cleverly made, the 
wire being imported through other tribes. 

On the 31st, having heard that I should be well 
received. Dun and I started for Metomi, with an 
escort of Manipuris. We first made a descent of 
2000 feet to the Lainer, which we forded, the water 
being knee deep ; there were the remains of a sus- 
pension bridge for use in the rainy season. We then 
ascended for about 1000 or 1500 feet, till near the 
village, when I halted my men and sent on my 
Angami interpreter, and one of the Metomi men, to 
ask that a party might come down to welcome us, as 
I had reason to think that the villagers were unde- 
cided as to what they should do, and I feared to 
frighten them. After waiting a long time, we heard 
a war-cry, and we all started to our feet and seized 
our arms, in case of an attack ; the next minute, 
however, there was another cry, showing that the 
people were carrying loads. Soon after a long line 
of men appeared, each carrying a small quantity of 
rice, and the heads of the village came forward, 
presenting us with fowls, and heaped up the rice in 
front of me. We then walked on to the village, 
distant about a mile and a quarter, along an avenue 
of pollarded oaks, backed by fir trees. At last, after 
passing a ditch and small rampart, we reached the 
outer gate^ then passed along a narrow path, with a 
precipice to our right, and a thick thorn hedge to 
our left for about eighty yards, as far as the inner 
gate, on entering which we found ourselves in the 

Q 2 



228 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

village. We were then led along a series of winding 
streets till we came to the highest part. 

This was the most picturesque Naga village I have 
ever seen, and reminded me of an old continental 
town, the ground it covered, being very hilly, and the 
houses, constructed of timber with thatched roofs 
with the eaves touching one another, built in streets. 
Sometimes one side of a street was higher than the 
other, and the upper side had a little vacant space 
railed in, in front of the houses. 

The houses were more like those of the Tankhools 
than the Angamis, and Contained round tubs for beer 
cut out of a solid block of wood, in shape like old- 
fashioned standard churns. The village contained 
pigs and dogs, and the houses were decorated with 
cows' and buffaloes' horns. We were welcomed in a 
friendly way, but our hosts did not seem to like the 
idea of our staying the night, of which we had no 
intention. Our watches and binoculars greatly in- 
terested them. We tried in vain to induce the women 
to come out, the men saying they feared lest we 
should seize them. This seemed very strange, as it 
was the only hill village I ever saw where the women 
had the slightest objection to appear. As the Mani- 
puris always respect women, it could not be due to 
their presence, even had they had experience of them, 
which was not the case. On leaving the village, we 
passed through a splendid grove of giant bamboos, 
and then turned into our old path again. Metomi 
was said to contain seven hundred houses, but that 
seemed to me a very low estimate. We reached our 
camp near Jessami at 7 p.m., narrowly escaping 
a severe scorching, as some torch-bearers who came 



A BLAZE. 229 

to meet us, set fire to the grass prematurely, and we 
had to run hard to escape the flames, I wanted to 
make a vocabulary of the Metomi language the next 
day, but the whole village had a drinking bout, and 
every one was incapacitated during the rest of our 
stay. 

We marched to a place called Lapvomai on 
Febuary 3rd, and next day, wishing to explore the 
country beyond, Dun and I, with a picked party of 
Manipuris, crossed the ridge above the village, and 
descending to the stream below, began the ascent of 
the great Eastern range, encamping in a most lovely 
spot in a pine forest. Every one was too tired to 
search for water, so the Manipuris went supperless 
to bed. Dun and I had brought a supply, which we 
shared with our few Naga followers, the Manipuris 
being prevented from doing the same, by their caste 
prejudices. Early next morning we started up the 
hill again, leaving the bulk of our party a mile or 
two in advance of our halting place, to search for 
water and cook. "We, with two or three plucky 
Manipuris, whom hunger and thirst could not induce 
to leave us, pursued our upward path. At last we 
came on patches of snow, and in a hollow tree found 
the remains of a bear which had gone there to die. 
After a toilsome ascent, often impeded by a thick 
undergrowth of thorny bamboo, we, having long 
passed the region of fir trees, reached the summit at 
8000 feet, only to find, to our great disappointment, 
a spur from the main range blocking our view. As 
this range might have taken another day to surmount, 
and after all be only the precursor of another, we 
reluctantly traced our steps backwards, and reached 



230 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

our party wlio found water and cooked their food. 
We witnessed some amusing instances of rapid eating, 
on tlie part of our hungry followers, who had well 
deserved their dinner. We then descended to the 
stream, and encamped on its banks after being on 
foot for eleven hours. 

Next day, we marched to our old encampment at 
Lapvomai. On Febuary 7th, we marched to Wal- 
long, passing through lovely scenery, a series of deep 
valleys and ravines and high hills, with a splendid 
view down the valley of Thetzir and Lainer, and 
beyond, the junction of the latter with its north- 
eastern confluent, we finally encamped close to a very 
remarkable gorge. On the 8th, we had another 
march to the village of Lusour, where I greatly 
pleased a woman and some children, by giving them 
red cloths, the former would have denuded herself to 
put hers on, had I not prevented her. Next morn- 
ing, before starting, we had our breakfast in public, 
and ordered some boiled eggs ; the hill people are 
supremely indifferent to the age of an egg, and even 
seem to think the richness of flavour enhanced by 
age, so that almost all brought to us were either 
addled or had chickens in them. At least two dozen 
were boiled before we found one that we could eat, 
and as soon as an egg was proved to be bad, there 
was a great rush of Tankhools to seize the delicacy, 
and our bad taste in not liking them gave great 
satisfaction. 

On February 9th, we reached Somrah, a most 
interesting but severe march of eighteen miles. We 
first crossed a ridge 8000 feet in height, where 
among other trees we found a new species of yew — 



MOUNTAINBEEING. 231 

Cephelotaxus. After reaching the summit, we made a 
gradual descent along an exceedingly steep hillside, 
where a false step would have landed us in the 
stream 2000 feet below. After this we descended 
more rapidly, and, crossing a stream, followed a 
beautifully constructed watercourse through some 
recently cleared land. We traced our way along 
its windings for some miles, and then, after another 
ascent, at last came to a lovely undulating path 
through a forest of firs and rhododendrons, the latter 
just coming into flower. The path at length, after 
an ascent of 200 feet, brought us to the village, 
a finely built one of the regular Tankhool type, 
with over two hundred houses, built with stout 
plank walls, and having an appearance of much 
comfort. 

The next day we went to Kongailon, one of the 
Somrah group, making a descent of 2000 feet to 
cross a river, and again ascending 5600 feet. We 
passed many skilfully constructed watercourses and 
much terrace cultivation, indeed, the Somrah villages 
have the finest system of irrigation I have ever seen, 
and the long parallel line of watercourses on a hill- 
side present a most remarkable appearance. At 
Kongailon, we halted a day to explore the country, 
and receive deputies from various villages. From 
the ridge behind the village, at a height of from 
7000 to 8000 feet, there was a fine view of the 
Somrah basin — valley it cannot be called ; it is a 
huge basin, the rim of which consists of hills, having 
an average height of over 8000 feet, the villages 
being on the inner slopes or on bold spurs. 
■ On February 12th, a very severe march took us to 



232 MT EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

Guachan, a miserable-looking village full of very 
dirty people, many of whom were naked, their 
bodies being covered with a thick coating of dirt. 
We had to halt next day to rest the coolies, and ,to 
have a path cleared ahead. On February 14th, we 
again started, halting on the Cherebee river, at a 
height of 4400 feet. On our way, while passing 
along a lovely ridge, covered with rhododendrons in 
flower, we had a fine view of Saramettie, with its 
snow cap. 

Next day, we marched over Kachao-phung, 
8000 feet high, and encamped on its slopes at 
7600 feet. So perverse are the ways of the hill-men, 
that the road, a well-used one, was carried within 
fifty feet of the summit, though it would have been 
easy to cross at a much lower level. "We encamped 
in a primeval forest of huge trees, the branches of 
which, moved by the fierce wind that blew all night, 
waved to and fro with such a threatening noise as to 
preclude sleep for a long time. 

On the evening of the 12th, one of our coolies was 
brought to me, who had dislocated his shoulder. We 
had no doctor of any kind with us, and no one who 
understood how to reduce it. Dun and I tried our 
utmost, and I put the poor fellow under chloroform, 
to relax the muscles and spare him pain, but, alas ! 
with no result. I tried to induce him to go to 
Manipur, and be treated by my native doctor there ; 
but he objected, and preferred going to his home ; so 
I gave him a present and let him go, and very sorry 
we were to see him relinquish his only chance of 
getting right again. Every one ought to be taught 
practically to reduce a dislocation ; I had often heard 



A SAD ACCIDENT. 233 

the process described, but never seen it done, and my 
lack of experience cost tbe poor Naga the use of his 
arm. It is one of the saddest parts of one's life in 
the wilds of India to meet cases of sickness and injury 
without the power to give relief. Simple complaints 
I treated extensively, and with great success, but it 
was grievous to see such suffering in more compli- 
cated cases, and to be unable to do anything. A 
skilful and sympathetic doctor has a fine field for 
good work in such regions. A sick savage is the 
most miserable of mortals. 

The good points of the Manipuris, as excellent 
material for hardy soldiers, were brought out very 
prominently on these long marches. No men could 
have borne the fatigue and hardships better or more 
patiently than they did. It quite confirmed me in 
the opinion I had long since formed that, taken 
every way, the Manipuris were superior to any of 
the hill-tribes around them. I remember that when 
at Jessami, one of the Manipuris, at my suggestion, 
challenged any Naga, who liked, to a wrestling 
match, none would come forward, though the 
villagers were a fine sturdy set. It was impossible, 
also, to help noticing, as we went along, the very 
remarkable aptitude the Manipuris possess for dealing 
with hill-tribes. The Burmese tried in vain to sub- 
due the Tankhools, and in one case a force of seven 
hundred men, that they sent against them, was 
entirely annihilated. However, as the Manipuris 
advanced, the different tribes, after one struggle, 
quietly submitted, and on both occasions when I 
marched through the north-eastern Tankhool country, 
the people Avere in admirable order, and behaved 



234 MY EXPEEIENCBS IN MANIPUE. 

as if they had always been peaceful subjects of 
Manipur. 

Next morning, though the thermometer was at 
thirty-six degrees, the Manipuris felt the cold so 
severely from the terrible wind that had been 
blowing all night, that they did not attempt to cook 
before marching, but started off and hurried down 
the hill to get to a warmer region. I never knew 
the hardy fellows do this before, and it shows the 
influence of a piercing wind in making cold felt, 
as I have often seen them quite happy on a still 
night with the thermometer at twenty-six degrees 
or lower. 

Five more marches brought us to Kongal Tannah, 
where I encamped on the ground we occupied in 
1881-1882 when I was Boundary Commissioner. 
On our way, we received a visit from Tonghoo, the 
redoubtable Chussad chief, now a peaceful subject 
of Manipur, a man of the usual Kuki type, imperturb- 
able and inscrutable. Next day, I inspected the 
boundary pillars I had set up, and found them intact, 
a satisfactory proof that the settlement was not 
unacceptable to either Manipur or Burmah. 

We marched back by the old route, encamping 
as we had done more than four years before in 
the deep valleys of the Maglung and Turet. 
On the 24th, from the crest of the Yoma range, 
we saw the valley of Manipur once more at our 
feet, and in the evening encamped at Ingorok. 
Next day, I parted from my friend, I riding into 
Manipur, and Dun going north for a few days' 
more survey of the country. He rejoined me on 
March 2nd. Thus ended one of the hardest, but, at 



THE BOUNDARY APPROVED, 235 

the same time, one of the pleasantest marches I ever 
made, all the pleasanter for the society of such a 
clever and charming companion. We spent one 
more week together, and then Dun went back to 
his appointment in the Intelligence Department, to 
my great regret, and I settled down to my usual 
routine work, constantly varied by interesting little 
episodes. 



236 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTEE XXVI. 

More troubles with Thangal Major — Tit-for-tat — Visit to the Kubo valley 
— A new Aya Pooiel — Journey to SMUong — War is declared — A 
message to Kendat, to the Bombay-Burmah Corporation Agents — 
Anxiety as to their fate — March to Mao. 

During the spring of 1885, I had constant trouble 
with Thangal Major ; the old man was perpetually 
doing illegal acts. He had lost his head during my 
absence in England, and though treated with every 
courtesy, he greatly resented being called to order. 
Some Mussulmans had complained to Mr. Elliott 
about the oppression exercised towards them, and in 
iDy absence Thangal was foolish enough to imprison 
them. Of course, I heard of it, and insisted on their 
release, and this weakened his authority. Again, he, 
as " Aya Pooiel," i.e. Minister for Burmese Affairs, 
greatly resented our not having settled the Kongal 
case, and insisted on the authors being punished. 
"We were very good friends privately, though I 
always expected further trouble with him. The 
Maharajah's ill health also gave me anxiety, as he 
was no longer the active man he once was, and 
was daily falling more and more under Thangal's 
influence. 

At last matters came to a crisis. On May 23rd, 
I received a letter from the Burmese authorities 
at Tamu, brought by a deputation reporting that 



THANGAL DISaRACED. 237 

some murders had been committed by Manipuri 
subjects, and the next day when the visitors came 
to see me, they openly accused the Mombee Kukis 
of having done the deed. I felt sure that the out- 
rage had been carried out at the instigation of 
Thangal Major, as a set-off against the Kongal case, 
aad I sent for him. He came to see me on 
May 25th, and, when I opened the subject, he 
assumed rather a jaunty air. I spoke "very gravely, 
and told him that it was a very serious business, 
and that an investigation must take place, and that 
I wished him, as Aya Pooiel, to accompany me. He 
replied in a very unbecoming manner, and began 
to make all sorts of frivolous excuses, the burden of 
his speech being that, as justice had not been done 
in the Kongal case, there was no need to investigate 
a case brought by the Burmese. I was very calm, 
and remonstrated several times, but seeing that it 
had no effect, I requested him to leave my presence, 
which he did. I then wrote to the Maharajah 
asking him to appoint Bularam Singh to aid me in 
the investigation, also reporting Thangal's conduct, 
and saying that I could not allow him to attend on 
me till he had apologised. The worst of Thangal's 
behaviour was, that he spoke in Manipuri, and in 
the presence of the Burmese messengers, who under- 
stood it, instead of in Hindoostani which no one 
but myself understood. Thinking carefully over the 
matter, I wrote to the Maharajah on May 26th, 
requesting him to replace Thangal in the Aya Pooiel- 
ship by another officer, suggesting Bularam Singh, 
as I did not consider it safe to leave him in charge 
of the Burmese frontier. 



238 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

There was the greatest opposition offered to my 
request, and the Maharajah made every effort to 
evade it. It was currently stated by people in the 
Court circle that it would be easier to depose the 
Maharajah himself, but I remained firm. Meanwhile, 
Bularam Singh was appointed to accompany me, and, 
on June 8th, I left for Moreh Tannah, near Tamu, 
halting the first day at Thobal. Before leaving, I 
received an apologetic letter from Thangal, and later 
he called on me, and made an ample apology, 
speaking very nicely. I accepted the apology 
personally, quite reciprocating his friendly senti- 
ments, but told him that, having acted in the way 
he did, I could not trust him as Ay a Pooiel. 

I reached Moreh Tannah on June 13th, and was 
visited by some Burmese. The next day, I proceeded 
to the scene of the murder, and exhumed two head- 
less bodies, and took evidence regarding the raid. 
Before reaching Manipur, I heard through some 
Kukis the most convincing proofs that the Mombee 
people had committed the raid, and at Thangal 
Major's instigation. I obtained all the necessary 
details later on, but the Burmese war prevented my 
undertaking an expedition for the release of some 
Burmese captives who had been carried away and 
sold, though I accomplished it later on. 

At Moreh Tannah, I obtained some excellent 
mangoes, the only ones free from insects that I ever 
saw on the eastern frontier, those in Assam and 
Manipur being so full of them as to be uneatable 
when ripe, though beautiful to look at. Here also 
I had most unpleasant evidence of the existence of a 
plant that has the smell of decomposed flesh. I 



STRUGGLE WITH THE RAJAH. 239 

ima.gined that a dead body had been buried under 
the temporary hut I Kved in, till a Manipuri ex- 
plained matters to me, and showed me the plant in 
question. 

I reached Manipur on June 20th, and a day or 
two after wrote to the Maharajah, calling to mind 
my letter respecting the Aya Pooielship, and again 
requesting Thangal's removal. The next day the 
old fellow called, and we had a very friendly inter- 
view, and I explained my reasons for acting as I had 
done. He seemed convinced, and rose and seized 
my hand, and said, " You are right. I understand 
thoroughly." He then said he would cheerfully 
submit, and went away in an apparently excellent 
frame of mind. It is said that after this, his son, 
Lumphe'l Singh, a very bad young man, talked him 
over and urged him to resist, but, anyhow, he soon 
after went to see the Maharajah, and recanted all 
he had said to me. However, I was determined to 
persist, and told the Maharajah plainly that he must 
choose between me and Thangal, with the result 
that he consented, and the Aya Pooielship was given 
to another. 

This struggle caused me great regret, as Thangal 
had many good qualities, and but for his having 
had his own way too much during my absence in 
England, would never have lost his head as he did. 
However, there was one good result, as I established 
very friendly relations with the Burmese authorities, 
who saw that I wished to be just, and this stood me 
in good stead when the war broke out. 

During the whole time that the dispute was going 
on, I had the support of the Jubraj, who said I was 



240 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

in the right, and most people, I believe, thought 
likewise. All the same it was painful to gain a 
victory over one who had worked well with me for 
years, more especially as I felt that the weakness of 
our own Government in not insisting on justice being 
done in the Kongal case, had given him some 
justification in his own eyes, though this was a plea 
that I could never admit. 

In October 1885, I went to Shillong to see the 
Acting Chief Commissioner, Mr. Ward, and as he 
was intending to march through Manipur on his 
way to the Naga Hills, I stayed with him, and we 
all left Shillong together on November 4th. We 
left Cachar on November 12th, and halted that 
evening at Jeeree Grhat, I on the Mahipuri side of 
the river, the Chief Commissioner and his following 
on the British. A short time before dinner — we 
were all Mr. Ward's guests — I received a note from 
him, directing my attention to a telegram, and 
asking me to act on it. The telegram was a 
startling one, and was to the effect that war with 
Burmah was to commence, and that our troops 
would pass the frontier on a certain date ; that there 
were nine European and many native British 
subjects in the employ of the Bombay-Burmah 
Corporation in the Chindwin forests with whom it 
had been impossible to communicate, and to ask me 
to make every effort to let them know the facts, and 
to do anything I could to assist them. The matter 
was extremely urgent, as, if I remember rightly, the 
25th was the day for the troops to enter Upper 
Burmah, and every moment was of the utmost 
importance. 



BRITISH SUBJECTS IN PERIL. 241 

I thought it over for five minutes, and determined 
on a course of action, and set to work at once to 
follow it out. I knew perfectly well that with the 
frontier and all roads so carefully guarded, as I had 
seen those in the Kubo valley to be, there was 
absolutely no chance of a secret messenger advancing 
ten miles on Burmese soil, and I therefore resolved 
to send my letter through the Kendat Woon 
(Governor of Kendat), the great Burmese province 
of which the Kubo valley was part. I wrote a 
letter to the European employes of the Bombay- 
Burmah Corporation, giving the message I was 
asked to transmit, and urging them to make every 
effort to accept my hospitality and protection in 
Manipur. To this letter I appended Burmese and 
Manipuri translations, and put them in an open 
envelope addressed in the three languages, hoping 
and believing that, seeing that the contents were 
the same in both languages, which they bad the 
means of understanding, the Burmese authorities 
would, on the principle of the Rosetta stone, assume 
that I had said the same in English. 

This done, I enclosed the envelope in a letter to 
the Kendat Woon, in which I told him exactly how 
matters stood, and that in a short time Burmah 
would be annexed, and urging him, as he valued 
the goodwill of the conquerors, to make every effort 
to protect and aid the British subjects in his 
province. I asked him to deliver the letter, to 
which I had appended translations that he might 
read what I said, and to bear in mind that any 
service he might render would be richly rewarded 
and never forgotten, while he might rely on my 

R 



242 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

word as his well-wisher ; that a terrible punishment 
would befall any one who injured a hair. of the head 
of a British subject. In addition to this, I wrote 
letters to„ the Burmese authorities at Tamu, with 
whom I was on friendly terms, begging them, as 
they valued their lives, and my goodwill, to forward 
the letter to the Woon with all possible speed. 

This done, I went to dine with the Chief Commis- 
sioner, and when he asked if I had received his note, 
I told him I had acted on it. Feeling that I had 
done all that I could for the best, I took no further 
steps at the time than to issue orders to the Manipuri 
frontier stations, to give all aid requisite to fugitives 
from Burmah, and to make arrangements for their 
being entertained in Manipur, should they arrive in 
my absence. 

I heard afterwards that there was great anxiety 
in Burmah when it was known that I had commu- 
nicated with our isolated countrymen through the 
Btirmese authorities, it being regarded as likely to 
seal their fate. 

I marched to Mao on the Naga Hills frontier with 
the Chief Commissioner, and then returned to Mani- 
pur, arriving on the 4th, and on the 5th heard from 
Moreh Tannah that a European was being kept a 
prisoner at Kendat. I wrote at once to the Tamu 
Phoongyee, asking him to use his influence to release 
him, saying that I was in a position to march to his 
aid in case mj? letter had no effect. 

On December 9th, I heard that all the Europeans 
at Kendat had been murdered, the Queen of Burmah's 
secretary having arrived with one hundred regular 
troops on a steamer and ordered their execution, and 



CAPTIVES IN BUEMAH. 243 

that forty of the Bombay-Burmah Corporation's 
elephants and all their native followers had been 
arrested. 

On December 10th, the news of the capture of 
Mandalay arrived. It gave immense satisfaction, 
and it was said that many of the old people, who 
knew what Burmah was, were so pleased that they 
could not eat their dinners. The Jubraj visited me 
to offer his congratulations, and a salute of thirty-one 
guns was fired. 



R 2 



244 MT EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 



CHAPTER XXYII. 

News from Kendat — Mr. Morgan and his people Rafe — I determine to 
march to Moreh Tannah — March to Kendat — -Arrive in time to save 
the Bomhay-Burmah Corporation Agents — Visit of the Woon — ^Visit 
to the Woon. 

On December l7th, I at last received a letter from 
Mr. A, J. Morgan, the chief agent of the Bombay- 
Burmah Corporation at Kendat, acknowledging my 
letter of November 12th. He told me that three 
Europeans, Messrs, Allan, Roberts and Moncur, had 
been murdered on the River Chindwin by the Queen's 
Secretary ; that he and Messrs. Ruckstuhl and Bretto 
had been protected by the Kendat Woon, and four 
others by the Mengin Woon. He said the Chindwin 
valley was filling with dacoits, i.e., brigands, and that 
their position was very precarious. I at once wrote 
to the VYoon thanking him warmly for the protection 
he had accorded to my fellow-subjects, and sent him 
a pair of handsome double-barrelled guns, one of 
them a rifle, as a present, ■ also five hundred rupees, 
which I asked him to give to Mr. Morgan. 

Feeling certain of the dangerous position of the 
British subjects at Kendat, if they were surrounded 
by disbanded soldiery vpho had turned brigands, I 
determined to march to the frontier, so as to be ready 
to give aid, if necessary. I accordingly asked the 
Maharajah to lend me 400 Manipuris, and 500 Kukis, 



MAECH TO BURMAH. 245 

and one mountain gun. With these, and fifty men 
of my escort of the 4th Bengal Infantry, under 
Subadar Baluk Earn Chowby, I marched off on 
December 19th. 

My escort consisted of sixty men of all ranks, but 
I weeded out ten as not likely to stand the severe 
marches we might have to undertake. I then 
paraded the remainder and addressed them, saying 
that any man who felt himself unfit for service might 
fall out, and 1 should think none the worse of him. 
All stood fast, and then I said, " Now, I will not take 
you, unless you promise me not to fall sick, till you 
have escorted me back safely to Manipur." The 
men gave a shout of acclamation, and I gave the 
order to march^ and never had I better, braver or 
more devoted men under me, or men who bore hard- 
ship and want of all the little comforts of life more 
cheerfully. 

We reached Moreh Tannah, where I had intended 
to halt and watch events, on December 23rd, and 
there I received a letter from Mr. Morgan, who 
described the state of things at Kendat as daily 
getting worse, and expressed his conviction that if 
the dacoits reached Kendat, the Woon would be 
unable to hold his own ; he therefore hoped I might 
be able to afford them the aid they so sorely needed, 
as, unless a force marched to their assistance speedily, 
their lives would not be safe. On hearing this, I 
determined to march for Kendat at once, and by the 
rapidity of our movements overcome all resistance; 
indeed, not to allow the Burmese time to think of it. 
Accordingly we marched to Tamu, where the author- 
ities at once submitted, and I declared the country 



-246 MY EXPEBIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

annexed, and reappointed the old ofEcials, pending 
further orders, promising my protection to all classes, 
and calling on the people to complain at once if any 
of my followers injured them. 

All this done, we marched to Mamo, some miles 
beyond Tamn, where we halted in the rice fieilds 
attached to the village which was very strongly 
stockaded. My camp was at once filled with men, 
women and children, all disposed to be friendly and 
all willing to receive little presents. It was a pretty 
feature of the Kubo valley, as of Upper Burmah 
generally, and as in Assam formerly, that immedi- 
ately on leaving the village cultivation you plunged 
at once into forest. 

My party was not so numerous as I could have 
wished. The Minister, Bularam Singh, accompanied 
me, but the nine hundred men all told, that I had 
asked for, were not there, and the supply of provisions 
was scanty. I made all my escort take ten days' 
food per man, with orders not to touch it, without 
my direct permission, and I procured supplies where- 
ever I could, as we went along. I also took a large 
supply of money. 

As Bularam Singh was holding the appointment 
formerly held by Thangal, he had not the knowledge 
to help him in all petty details that the other would 
have had. However, realising more keenly than 
ever from my experience at the relief of Kohima, 
the extreme value of time, and of rapid strokes, 
I pushed on at all hazards, trusting to have my 
numbers made up. 

I had a few first-rate Manipuri officers with me, 
and my old orderlies, Sowpa, Thutot, and ' Stmdha. 



ALL HASTE FOE KBNDAT. 247 

I took my excellent hospital assistant, Lachnian 
Parshad, and my Manipuri secretary aiid interpreter, 
Ohumder Singh, and most of my old chuprassies, 
who were invaluable. My head clerk, Eusni Lall 
Coondoo, was unfortunately on leave, marrying his 
daughter, and I greatly missed him. 

On the morning of December 24th, we started 
from Mamo, determined to reach Kendat next day, 
though the Burmese said it was absolutely impossible 
to do it. I had with me my escort of fifty men of 
the 4th B.I., and between three hundred and four 
hundred Manipuris, the Kukis not having arrived. 
The old road had been disused, and our path was a 
perfect zigzag. We halted long after sunset at 
Pendowa on a small stream, the Nunparoo. Th6 
mountain gun did not arrive, and half our force was 
not up till midnight. When all the coolies had 
arrived, I told them that if we reached Kendat next 
evening, they should have buffalo to eat. 

The country through which we had passed was 
not naturally a difficult one, but there had been no 
attempt to make it good, and in places it was very 
bad, all the more so from the unnecessary number 
of times that we crossed the same river. I was 
much interested to see large numbers of bullock 
carts in the villages, such not being used in 
Manipur. 

Next morning, we started early, and soon began 
to ascend the Ungocking hills. This seemed endless, 
one range succeeded another, here and there we saw 
coal cropping out of the hillside. After about 
12.30 P.M., the path was alternately along the bed bf 
a stream and over high ridges, one of those meaning- 



248 MY BXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

less, winding roads that seem made expressly to 
irritate people with no time to spare. At last, in the 
far distance, we saw a scarped hill, that was said to 
be close to Kendat, and cheered by the sight, we 
pressed on, but it was hours before we reached the 
goal. About 4 p.m., I met a Burmese, who spoke 
Hindoostani, and gave me a letter from Mr. Morgan, 
telling me that he and his party were all well, and 
earnestly longing for our arrival. The man told me 
that he was the " Hathee Jemadar," i.e., the man in 
charge of the elephants, and he accompanied us. 

At last, just after sunset we reached the Chindwin 
river, even then, in the dry season, six hundred yards 
wide. "We gave a loud cheer and hoisted the Union 
Jack ; and the " Hathee Jemadar " went over to tell 
the Europeans we had come to save, of our arrival. 
All my escort and most of the Manipuris marched in 
with me ; every man had done his best and hearty 
were the congratulations that passed between us. 

We had marched sixty-five miles over a terribly 
rough country, the last thirty being quite impassable 
for even laden mules, in thirty hours. A havildar 
of the 4th said, " Sahib, is not our march one of the 
greatest on record ? " I told him that it was. It was 
pleasant to think that we had arrived on Christmas 
Day. How little my children in England realised 
the way I was employed. 

In less than an hour Mr. Morgan, who had seen our 
arrival, came over accompanied by Messrs. Ruckstuhl 
and Bretto, his subordinates, all dressed in Burmese 
costume, everything they had having been plundered 
in the Woon's absence. Mr. Morgan brought over 
a message from the Woon to me, saying that he 



ON THE CHINDWIN. 249 

submitted to my authority, and would come over to- 
morrow, and tender his formal submission. 

Next day he appeared with Mr. Morgan and made 
his submission. He was a dignified old man, with • 
a pleasant face expressive of much character. I 
thanked him on behalf of Government for his ser- 
vices in protecting British subjects, and told him 
that, while assuming charge of the country on the 
part of the British Government, I wished him to 
remain in office, and conduct the administration 
pending definite instructions. I told him that I 
expected him to maintain order, and quiet down the 
country, and promised him any assistance which he 
might require to aid him in the endeavour. 

After this, I set to work to secure supplies with 
Mr. Morgan's aid, so as to be ready for any emer- 
gency, and then crossed the river and called on the 
Woon and inspected the stockade, a huge enclosure. 
420 yards long and 163 wide, with a wall of solid 
teak logs, 18 feet high, and none less than a foot 
square, with strong heavy gates. I returned to my 
camp before nightfall, and the mountain gun arrived 
under the escort of Gour Duan Subadar. Next day, 
I heard that the Mengin Woon had absconded, 
finding his position untenable. 

Had I had a trained levy at my disposal, as would 
have been the case had my advice been followed, I 
could have easily sent a force to occupy Mengin, and 
might indeed have marched to Mandalay. As it was, 
commanding only irregulars, my position was one of 
daily anxiety. 

The site of Kendat was very picturesque, situated 
on the high left bank of the Ohindwin, up and down 



250 MY EXPEEIBNCES IN MANIPUB. 

whicli a view of many miles is obtained, the reach 
being there a long one. The stockade contained the 
greater part of the official residences, and a good 
proportion of the inhabitants, but there were many- 
houses outside, and temples and pboongyes' resi- 
dences. Below the town was a large Manipuri 
village, inhabited by the descendants of captives 
taken in the war of 1819-25. 

In the rainy season, when the Chindwin is at its 
height, and 1200 yards wide, with the long ranges 
of the Manipuri Hills in the background, the view is 
said to be very beautiful. For many miles round 
Kendat, to the east of the Chindwin, the country is 
flat, but studded here and there with strange-looking 
hills with scarped sides, that rise abruptly out of the 
plains, calling to mind the hill-forests of Central 
India. Kendat was well supplied with boats, many 
of them being most elaborately carved. 

It was a great misfortune that none of the men of 
my escort understood the management of boats, a 
most useful accomplishment on the eastern side of 
India, where rivers abound, and one in which the 
men of the old Assam regiments used to be proficient. 



( 251 ) 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

People fairly friendly — Crucifixion — Carelessness of Manipuris — I cross 
the Ghindwin — ^Recross the Chindwin — Collect provisions — Erect 
stockades and fortify our position — Revolt at Kendat — We assume 
the offensive — Capture boats and small stockades — Revolt put down — 
Woon and Ruckstuhl rescued — Steamers arrive and leave. 

The Burmese were fairly friendly to us, though they 
did not display any love for the Manipuris, and the 
latter showed rather too plainly that they thought 
the tables were turned, and that they now had the 
upper hand of the Burmese. 

In many of the villages along our line of route in 
the Kubo valley, we had observed crosses ready for 
the crucifixion of malefactors, especially dacoits. 
These were also to be seen here and there, on the 
banks of the river at Kendat, but the "Woon after- 
wards told me that he rarely crucified ofienders 
and disliked employing torture ; indeed he had the 
reputation of being a merciful old man. However, 
the people at large seemed quite to approve of strong 
measures, and knowing what Burmese dacoits are 
capable of, I hardly wonder. After I left, the man 
who introduced himself to me as " Hathee Jemadar " 
incautiously surrendered to some dacoits, who first 
broke the bones of his legs and arms inch by inch, 
and then ripped him up ! 

On the 28th December, I crossed the river with my 



252 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

whole force, and entrenched myself on the sandbank 
of the Chindwin. That evening, I heard from Mr. 
Morgan, that there was a strong party opposed to 
the Woon, and greatly dissatisfied with him for 
having submitted. Troops had been expected up 
the river from the British force at Mandalay, and 
their delay encouraged the Burmese to hold up their 
heads. Next day, December 29th, the air was full 
of rumours, and some of the Burmese Manipuris, I 
have just alluded to, plied ray Manipuris with all 
sorts of stories, of a rising against us, on the part of 
the Burmese. These stories had a great effect on 
the Manipuris, and they displayed so much unsteadi- 
ness, and at the same time such gross carelessness, 
that I determined to recross the river. I heard too 
that six men coming to join me, had been killed, and 
three wounded on the road, report said, by Burmese. 
I laughed at the idea, as I vras sure that the assailants 
were vs^ild Chins, as the Burmese would not show 
their hand prematurely. However, the news spread, 
and served to dishearten the men. 

On the 30th I transported my whole force to the 
opposite bank, it cost me incredible trouble, and I 
had to superintend the most petty details myself. I 
sent over a party to construct a stockade into which 
the Manipuris could be penned like a flock of sheep 
for the night and which I could enlarge afterwards, 
and I insisted on the work being finished that day. 
It was finished, and last of all I crossed the river 
with my escort. 

Next day, Mr, Morgan told me that things had 
quieted down very much among the Burmese ; we 
did all in our power to collect provisions, and I 



CROSS THE EIVEE. 253 

enlarged the stockade, improving it from day to day, 
till it at last became a commodious and strong defen- 
sive building, scientifically constructed. I occupied 
a small stockade on a hillock above it, whence I had 
a good view, and could overlook the Manipuris. I 
had a circle of outlying pickets supplied by the Kuki 
irregulars with me, and these were a perpetual safe- 
guard against surprise during the long dark nights. 
We cleared the jungle from round our stockade, and 
did all we could to make our position secure. 

Still the Manipuris were a constant anxiety, illus- 
trating the well-known saying, "Fools rush in, 
where angels fear to tread." Their carelessness was 
astonishing. I had the utmost difficulty in getting 
them to take the most ordinary precautions. The 
bravest and best-disciplined troops in the world 
would never think of neglecting every rule of 
warfare in the way that they did. Fire was a con- 
stant danger, and having no warm clothes, the 
Manipuris could hardly be prevented from lighting 
fires at night, thereby incurring a double danger, 
viz., that of setting fire to the stockade, also 
lighting up our position and enabling an enemy 
to fire at us. I was as a rule eighteen or nine- 
teen hours on foot out of the twenty-four, and 
during the five or six allotted to sleep, I generally 
got up three times, to see that all was right. 

Provisions began to come in, and on the last 
day of the year, I sent off 400 coolies to Moreh 
Tannah for provisions, so as to reduce the useless 
mouths, and to lessen the danger from fire. I 
rebuilt all the huts of green grass, as less in- 
flammable than dry materials. 



254 MY EXPEEIBNCES IN MANIPUE. 

On January 1st, evil rumours were again afloat, 
and I asked the Woon if he were sure of his position. 
He replied that he was, and had perfect confidence 
that he could keep every one in hand. However, I 
went on collecting provisions, and while hoping for 
the arrival of the troops expected up the river, pre- 
pared for any eventuality. On January 3rd, large 
supplies of rice came in. The Issekai, an officer 
holding the rank of major, came twice to see me, and 
all seemed well. Mr. Morgan was with me all day 
helping with the rice sellers, but left about 4 p.m. 
About an hour afterwards, he reappeared with 
Mr. Bretto, saying that they had been shut out of 
the stockade, but that Mr. Euckstuhl was detained 
there. They suspected a rising throughput the 
country, as a rumour had just been spread that a 
Royal prince was about to arrive at Kendat with 
3000 men. 

This was bad news, and I begged Messrs. Morgan 
and Bretto to stay the night with me. There was 
no time to be lost ; I felt certain that the country 
had riseuj and that in a few hours our communica- 
tions would be cut, so I wrote to Manipur asking 
the Maharajah to send me 1000 men under Thangal 
Major at once to Moreh Tannah, to await events, 
and 500 to join me at Kendat, also a good supply 
of provisions. I telegraphed a,lso to Grovernment 
saying what had happened, and that I had taken 
every precaution, and that they might rely on my 
doing all that man could. I asked for no help, 
feeling that, if, with my present resources, I could 
not retrieve my position, I should soon be past help. 
I also wrote a few lines home, explaining matters in 



EXTREME DANGER. 255 

case I was killed, with a few last words to my 
children. 

These letters I sent off by swift and trusty men 
well armed, with orders to push on with all speed. 
Having done this, I prepared for a life-and-death 
struggle next day. 

As the morning broke and the heavy mist began to 
rise earlier than usual, we speedily saw the changed 
aspect of affairs. We had secured two boats under 
a guard the night before, but all besides had been 
taken from our side of the river. All the people 
had left a neighbouring village, but just below us 
we saw one boat after another leaving, heavily 
laden with the inhabitants and their portable goods. 
The opposite sandbank too, was occupied in force 
by the Burmese, who held our former entrenchment, 
and one or two small stockades. By this time also 
the country in our rear had risen, so we were 
completely cut off. The opposite bank was crowded 
with large boats, giving every opportunity to the 
enemy to send a strong party over to attack us by 
night, were he so disposed. 

Immediate action was necessary, if only to save 
the British subjects, and the faithful Woon who had 
suffered in our cause. The good old Minister, 
Bularam Singh, quite lost his nerve, and begged and 
implored me to make terms and retreat, as the only 
means of saving ourselves. I told him that my very 
children and friends would despise me, if I, for a 
moment, contemplated such a course, and that there 
was nothing for it but to fight it out. 

" Which man should you respect most ? " I said, 
" one who cringed at your feet, or one who boldly 



256 MY EXPEEIBNCES IN MANIPUE. 

struck you ? " " The man wbo struck me," he 
replied. " Exactly so," I said ; " and it is the same 
with the Burmese. I intend to strike a hard blow." 

I had an ultimatum written in Burmese, demanding 
the surrender of the Woon, and his officers, and of 
all British subjects within two hours, under pain of 
my attacking the stockade ; this I did, to run as little 
risk of injury to the captives, as possible. I had the 
ultimatum tied to a bamboo, and sent in a boat to a 
shallow part of the river, and I called to a Burmese 
to take it. This was done. I looked at my watch, 
and when the time expired, opened fire on the 
stockade. 

For the first time in my life, I laid a gun. I 
judged the distance from the high bank where we 
stood, to the great stockade, to be 1250 yards, and 
the first shell went over it. I lessened the range by 
50 3'ards, and again fired, and this time struck the 
stockade fair and well. We saw and heard the 
shell explode, and our men raised a loud shout of 
triumph. This little success gave the Manipuris 
renewed confidence. I lined our bank with picked 
shots of the 4th B.I., and under cover of these and 
the gun, sent two parties across in the boats, with 
orders to attack and destroy all the small stockades, 
and to capture some boats to convey more of our men 
across, and to burn all the rest, so as to prevent the 
enemy assuming the offensive. 

Mr. Morgan, eager for the fray, went as a volun- 
teer and assumed the natural position of leader. We 
kept up the fight all day. Shot after shot struck 
the great stockade, all the small ones were captured 
and burned, the enemy driven from the shore and 



AN ANXIOUS NiaHT. 257 

every boat within sight either brought over to our 
side, or sent burning down the river. 

Meanwhile, the Burmese had not been entirely 
passive, they had opened an artillery fire on us, and 
one or one-and-a-half-pound shots began to fall on 
our side. Old Bularam Singh walked up and down, 
notwithstanding this, with the greatest indifference, 
having now recovered his spirits, and behaved very 
well. 

By sunset, nothing remained to be captured but 
the great stockade, and many were the volunteers, 
both Hindoostanis and Manipuris who begged to be 
allowed to cross once more and attack it.^ However, 
I would not consent, only two men, Messrs. Morgan 
and Bretto, knew all the turns and windings of the 
place, and one false move might convert our success 
into a disaster. All the same, I felt terribly anxious as 
to the fate of the Woon and of the British subjects. 

I went to my hut in the evening, feeling-'that we 
had done all we could. As I passed through the 
stockade, I was surprised to see the clever way in 
which the coolies remaining with us had strengthened 
it, by digging deep trenches sufficient to afford a man 
perfect protection against rifle fire, even without the 
stockade. 

I rose early on January 5th, after an anxious 
night, having given orders for a party to be ready 
to cross the river with me, to attack the great 
stockade ; but, just as I left my hut to make a start, 
I was met by Mr. Ruckstuhl with irons on his 
ankles — he had got rid of the connecting bars — who 
told me that it had been evacuated. The facts I 
learned were as follows. 



258 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

On the evening of January 3rd, incited by the 
near approach of three thousand men and the 
promised support of the Tsawbwas of Thoungdoot, 
Wuntha, Kubo, and six other districts, the bad spirits 
in the town rose against the Woon, and put him and 
his family and chief officials, with Mr. Ruckstubl, in 
irons. It was only by a mistake that Messrs. Morgan 
and Bretto were shut out of the stockade and not 
arrested. 

When my ultimatum arrived, the Burmese laughed 
at the idea of my doing anything, and when our fire 
opened on them they were just about to crucify the 
Woon and Ruckstubl. When, however, our attack 
began to make an impression on them, and shells 
burst in the stockade, especially one in a room where 
the chief men were deliberating, they retreated, 
leaving their prisoners. Mr. Ruckstubl had hidden 
under a hedge, and the Woon and his family were 
taking refuge in a Phoongye's house. This was 
good news and an immense relief to every one ; we 
felt we had done our work. 

I immediately took a party across the river and 
rescued the Woon, and took possession of the huge 
stockade, which would have cost us many a life to 
capture, had it been well defended. We took six- 
teen guns and a large number of wall pieces, all said 
to have been wrested from Manipur in former days. 

The Woon's house was apparently intact, but 
empty, and the town was deserted. In a house we 
found a hen on a brood of chickens, unmoved appa- 
rently by all the firing and commotion. I made 
over the Woon's house to him again, and I esta- 
blished a Manipuri guard for his protection. With 



CAPTUEE OF KENDAT. 259 

reference to the guns, I should say that I did not 
take them from the stockade on my first arrival at 
Kendat, not wishing in any way to lower the pres- 
tige of the Woon who had done us such good service, 
and who professed himself quite able to account for 
them, and to keep the people in order. As events 
proved, we were quite able to take them when 
necessary. 

Just as we had finished our work, and Mr. Morgan 
and I were taking some food in the afternoon, two 
steamers came in sight far down the Ohindwin. 
These proved to be the party sent to rescue the 
British subjects at Kendat, under Major Campbell, 
23rd Madras Infantry ; and consisted of a company 
of the Hampshire Regiment and some blue jackets, 
and some of the 23rd Madras Infantry, and great 
was their disappointment to find that the work had 
been done before they arrived. However, had we 
waited for them, there would have been no one to 
rescue on their arrival. 

To my intense surprise, I heard that Kendat was to 
be abandoned, but no arrangements had been made 
for carrying away the Native British subjects. 
Mr. Morgan would not abandon these and the valu- 
able property of the Bombay-Burmah Corporation, 
and elected together with Mr. Bretto to stay with 
me. I strongly urged Mr. Ruckstuhl (whose brother, 
one of the refugees from Mengin, had been brought 
up by Major Canapbell) to leave for Rangoon with 
the steamers, as I thought, after twice narrowly 
escaping a violent death, he had better run no more 
risks. He took my advice. The steamers left on 
January 8th. 

s 2 



260 MY EXPEMBNCBS IN MANIPUE. 



CHAPTEE XXIX. 

Mischief done by departure of steamers — Determine to establish the Woon 
at Tamu — The Coimtry quieting down — Recovery of mails — Letter 
from the Viceroy — Arrive at Manipur — Bad news — I return to 
Tamu — Nio;ht march to Pot-tha — An engagement — Wounded — 
Return to Manipur — Fare^vell — Leave for England. 

We, had gained immense prestige by the vigorous 
way in which we had put down the revolt, and the 
people from the neighbouring country began to 
come in and make their submission, but the de- 
parture of the steamers was a great blow to it. Of 
course, the natives attributed it to fear. Had they 
stayed, all trouble would have been at an end, and 
the country would have quietly settled down. As 
it was, this unfortunate retreat again upset the minds 
of all. 

The Chindwin, and the route to it through 
Manipur, had not been considered when the 
campaign was decided on. No part of a country 
that it is intended to annex can with safety be 
neglected, and the Chindwin valley was a very 
important part of Burmah. 

As I have said before, a properly organised 
Manipur Levy would have solved all diflSculties at 
the outbreak of war ; failing that, a force specially 
devoted to the Chindwin valley, and entering 
through Manipur, and aided by local knowledge 
acquired during many years on that frontier, might 
have occupied the province of Kendat before any 



OFFICIAL NEGLECT. 261 

time had been given for the spread of lawlessness. 
It is almost incredible that, considering the part 
taken by Manipur, and troops moving through 
Manipur during the war of 1885-6, showing the 
immense facilities offered by that route, that no 
inquiry whatever was made regarding it before the 
outbreak of hostilities. 

I saw plainly that without the certainty of troops 
and one steamer at least arriving to reinforce us, it 
would be unwise to attempt to hold Kendat so far 
from our base at Manipur, therefore I made prepara- 
tions for escorting all British subjects and property 
to Tamu, within the Woon's jurisdiction, advising 
the latter to establish himself there for the present, 
and from that point gradually reconsolidate his 
authority. He greatly approved of the suggestion, 
and I made arrangements with a view to carrying it 
into effect. 

It was not till the 10th of January that any post 
arrived from Manipur. The Kubo valley had 
risen, it was said, in obedience to orders received 
from the Kule Tsawbwa and a man called the Lay 
Kahiyine Oke, and it was reported that we had 
been annihilated ; but the sight of all the captured 
guns, which I at once sent to Manipur, told the 
people a different tale, and they soon subsided and 
returned to their allegiance. I sent out a party to 
attack and destroy the house of a hostile chief, east 
of the Chindwin, and it was successfully accomplished. 

Several letter bags which had been stolen were 
now given up, and I issued proclamations to all the 
neighbouring chiefs calling on them to remain 
quiet, and keep their people in order. 



262 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

Two hundred of the troops I had sent for from 
Manipur, arrived at Kendat, and 300 more I 
ordered to be stationed at different points on the 
road. The 1000 men under Thangal Major were 
directed by me to return to Manipur. Before 
leaving Kendat, I sent on the Woon, with his family 
and 250 native British subjects, en route to Tamu, 
with a strong escort. The road had been much 
improved during my occupation of Kendat, and was 
now passable for lightly laden elephants. 

I left some Burmese officials at Kendat with 
orders to report regularly to the Woon, and collect 
taxes due, and having made all arrangements that I 
could for the peace of the country, I quitted it, with 
the remaining portion of my force, on .January 14th, 
encamping at a place called Mejong. We reached 
Tamu on the 17th, where the Woon was well 
received. 

I had written to the Thoungdoot (Sumjok) 
Tsawbwa, asking him to come and see me, but he 
was nervous, and sent his Minister instead. The 
man arrived on the 19th, with a very civil letter 
from the Tsawbwa, making his submission. I 
explained to him that 1 should hold his master 
responsible for the good behaviour of his people, and 
sent him to pay his respects to the Woon, which he 
did. About this time I received some very compli- 
mentary telegrams from Government, thanking me 
for what I had done ; these being followed by an 
autograph letter from the Viceroy, Lord Dufferin. 

Being completely worn out with the work and 
anxiety I had gone through, so much so, that I could 
not sleep without a dose of bromide of potassium, 



A LULL IN THE STORM. 263 

I set off for Manipur, to get a little rest, on tlie 20tli 
of January, and reached it, by forced marcheSj on 
the 22nd. Mr. Morgan came with me, and my 
escort followed two days after. The men had kept 
their promise, and not one man had " gone sick " for 
a day, and they had always been ready for work ; 
often, since the outbreak on the 3rd of January, 
living for days on rice fresh cut from the enemy's 
fields by the Manipuris. 

I left a strong guard of Manipuris in a stockade at 
Tamu as a help to the Woon, and let the Minister 
Bularam Singh and all the rest of the party return 
with me. 

Before leaving Tamu, I handed over one or two 
men, supposed to be rebels, to the Woon, and gave 
him authority to execute them, should he consider it 
necessary, as an example, saying, however, that he 
must, in that case shoot, hang, or decapitate, as we 
could not allow painful modes of putting to death. 

I found, on arrival at Manipur, that another 
detachment of the 4th B.I. had arrived, and I verj 
soon found use for them. 

I had hoped to have had some much-needed rest, 
but on the 24th I received a letter from the Woon 
telHng me that two of the leading rebels in the 
outbreak of the 3rd, who had fled towards Wuntho, 
had returned, and were leading about bands of 
brigands. I heard from another source that the men 
I had delivered into his hands had been released on 
paying heavy fines, and had joined the rebel leaders. 
The Woon had an ample force at his disposal, but, as 
I saw that another storm was brewing, I sent off the 
new detachment of the 4th, towards Tamu, on the 



264 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

26tli, and followed myself (Mr. Morgan having 
preceded me) on the 28th ; and ou the 30th we 
marched into 'J'amn together. 

I met the poor old Woon ten miles within the 
Manipur frontier ; he had evidently lost his nerve 
and had fled, the ill-treatment he had undergone, 
and the narrow escape from crucifixion, were too 
much for him. I at once sent him on to Manipur, 
with orders that he should be my guesf, and 
marched on. 

As we crossed the frontier, the Burmese left the 
jungles where they had hidden from the dreaded 
dacoits, and returned with us to their villages. Tamu 
was quiet, the Manipuri guard had stood firm at 
their posts, and held the stockade intact, a work 
Manipuris are admirably fitted for, and thoroughly 
to be trusted with. My arrival seemed to quiet 
down the valley for many miles, indeed all the 
inhabitants for miles round were by the next day 
pursuing tbeir ordinary avocations, and the only fear 
was from the dacoits. 

On January 31st, at about 6 p.m., I received a 
report that a party of the enemy had hoisted the 
white flag (the Burmese Eoyal Standard), and taken 
up their quarters at Pot-tha, a disaffected village 
twenty miles from Tamu. This was an opportunity 
not to be lost, and I prepared to strike a decisive 
blow. We left Tamu about midnight, the force consist- 
ing of myself and Mr. Morgan, fifty of the 4thB.I., 
seventy Manipuris, and fifty Kuki irregulars. We had 
to march in single file through the forest, carrying 
torches to light us, and a most picturesque sight it 
was, the long line winding in and out under the tall 



SKIRMISH WITH BURMESE. 265 

trees, which the blaze of the torches lighted up, 
producing a very weird effect. We took with us 
guides from Tamu, and marched in deep silence, every 
now and then passing a village opening, though we 
generally avoided them, if possible. 

At last, just after daybreak, we heard the sound of 
a musket shot ; our Shan guides said : " This is the 
place," and instantly evaporated. I can use no other 
term ; I saw them one moment, the next they had 
gone, where I know not. We went on, and after a 
hundred yards, passed fortifications just evacuated, 
and soon after entered the village, the enemy retiring 
before us without firing a shot ; we rushed on, and 
searched the houses. I saw the white standard 
planted outside a large house on a platform ; I ran 
up and seized it, close by was a tree called in Bengali, 
" Poppeya," the papaw, I believe, of the West Indies, 
with a soft trunk. A minute after, while I was 
looking about to see if I could observe any of the 
enemy, a volley was fired, evidently intended for me, 
the royal standard in my hand making me a con- 
spicuous mark. I was not struck (probably just at 
the moment I moved), but the tree was, and fell, cut 
in two by at least twenty musket balls. 

I then saw some of the enemy strongly posted, 
under a house, built like all in those parts on strong 
posts, affording excellent cover. I sprang down from 
the platform, calling to my scattered men to follow. 
One man was ahead of me, and was shot down mor- 
tally wounded; another minute, and I myself was 
struck by a shot on the left temple, and almost stunned. 
I was able to rise, but with the blood streaming down, 
not fit to pursue. I called to Mr. Morgan and asked 



266 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

him to head a party of the 4th B.I. and clear the 
village, which was done with great gallantry, the 
men, when they returned, greatly applauding Mr. 
•Morgan's courage and dash. Having driven out the 
enemy who, we subsequently ascertained, lost seven 
killed and twenty-five wounded, we set fire to the 
village and 10,000 maunds of rice stored there, i.e.^ 
about 360 tons, which, of course, we could not carry 
away, and marched back to Tamu which we reached 
about nightfall carrying our wounded with us. 
Besides myself, we had one mortally wounded, one 
severely and one slightly. I was able to march back. 
We took three prisoners and heard that the enemy^ 
who did not stop till he had crossed the Chindwin, 
had a force of 400 to 500 men engaged, commanded 
by Boh Moung Schway Le. 

On February 6th, all the principal chiefs of the 
Kubo valley came in and made their formal sub- 
mission to me, promising to remain quiet and obey 
the orders of the Tamu Myo Thugee, whom I ap- 
pointed to administer the valley till further orders. 
Next day, I made them all go to the Pagoda, and 
swear allegiance to the British Grovernment, the oath 
being most solemnly administered by the Phoongyees. 
I gave definite instructions to all, and urged them 
to keep the peace, and buy, sell and cultivate as 
usual. 

I proclaimed the passes into Manipur open to 
traders, which gave great satisfaction to all, and 
having satisfied myself that everything was quiet I 
set out for Manipur to consult Dr. Eteson, the 
Deputy Surgeon-Greneral, who was passing through, 
about my wound. I arrived by forced marches on 



THE AUTHOR WOUNDED. 267 

February 9tli, and found that the sepoy mortally 
wounded on February 1st, had died on the 8th. 

Dr. Eteson urged me to go to England on sick 
leave, and I very reluctantly determined to follow 
his advice. But, before leaving, I had the satisfac- 
tion of seeing the whole of the Kubo valley in a 
state of profound peace for a month and a half; 
Provisions were no longer a difficulty. They were 
freely brought in, and the little luxuries that Hinr 
doostani troops require over and above what can be 
bought on the spot, were taken down by traders. So 
great was the energy of the latter, that 2000 buffaloes 
were exported through Manipur to Cachar during 
this short period, and when I finally bade adieu to 
my friends at Tamu, Mr. Morgan and I both 
expected that war was at an end, and that perfect 
peace would prevail. It was not our fault that it 
did not. 

Let me here offer a tribute to one who stood by 
me nobly in the hour of need, but who, unfortxznately , 
died of cholera at Kule, after his return from well- 
earned leave in England. Morgan was a thoroughly 
good fellow all round, a devoted servant of the 
Bombay-Burmah Corporation, and one who put their 
affairs before everything. As gentle and kind as 
he was brave, he was a great favourite with the 
Burmese, and had evidently much influence with 
them. He was always in favour of mild measures, 
unless strong ones appeared absolutely necessary. 

While still in Burmah, I had sent in my despatches 
to Greneral Sir H. Prendergast, K.C.B., who com- 
manded the army of invasion, in which I strongly 
commended to his notice the admirable services of 



268 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUR. 

my escort, mentioning specially several men whom. 
I thought particularly deserving of it, though all 
had done so well, and shown such devotion to duty 
and soldier-like spirit, that it was a difficult task to 
select any one in particular. General Prendergast 
forwarded my recommendation to the Commander-in- 
Chief, and it was a great satisfaction to me when I 
heard afterwards that Baluk Ram Chowby, then 
Subadar Major of his Regiment, had received the 
Order of British India, with the title of " Bahadur," 
and that other decorations and promotions had been 
bestowed. The detachment of the gallant 4th Bengal 
Infantry, took with them, as trophies to their 
regiment, a standard they had captured, and also one 
of the sixteen guns taken at Kendat. 

I left the old Woon at Manipur, having strongly 
recommended him to the favour of Government. 
He stood by our people in a dark hour, and saved 
them from torture and death. He was of high 
family, and had fought against us in 1852. He had 
the air of a thorough gentleman, and was, with all 
his family, most amiable in conversation and de- 
meanour. 

Before leaving, I paid one last visit to Kang-joop- 
kool and saw my child's grave,* and the peaceful 

* "The Senaputtee seemed determined to wipe away all signs of 
British connection with, the State. Not only were the charred remains 
of the Eesidency still further demolished, but every building in the 
neighbourhood, and the very walls of the compound and garden were 
levelled, and the graves of British ofScers were desecrated. The Kai)g-joop- 
kool Sanatorium, twelve miles from the capital, built by Sir J. Johnstone, 
was burnt, and his child's grave dug iip." ■ — Times' telegram, May 3, 
1891.— Ed. 

It appears by the official correspondence that the Senaputtee sent seven 
Manipur sepahis to open the child's grave, and scatter the remains, out of 




Abthub Johnstone's Grave. [■P«s'e 268. 



SYMPATHETIC PAEEWELL. 269 

scenery and lovely views over the hills and the 
broad valley, thinking of the past and its many 
memories connected with the place. I paid ray last 
visit to the Eajali, when I told him that I had 
strongly urged the restoration to ' him of his old 
possession, the Kubo valley. I visited all the 
familiar spots round the capital. I said good-bye 
to o!d Thangal, Bularam Singh, and all my old 
followers, and, on the 19th of March, bade adieu to 
Manipur, which I felt I had raised out of the mire 
of a bad reputation. 

I left it as it had been of yore, a faithful and 
devoted, though humble, ally of the British Grovern- 
ment to whom it had done transcendent service. 
Alas ! little did I think of the fate that would befall 
it before a few short years had passed by. 

My escort turned out to salute me as I left the 
Eesidency gate, and I gave them an address, thanking 
them for their services. Then the Subadar Baluk 
Ram Ohowby insisted on their accompanying me for 
some distance. When time for them to return, he 
halted his party, drew them in line by the side of 
the road, and presented arms, and as they did it they 
gave a loud shout of " Colonel Sahib Bahadur ke 
jye," i.e. "Yive Monsieur le Colonel Yictorieux ; " 
we have no equivalent for it in English. My heart 
was too heavy to say much ; I said a few words, and 
we parted. 

As I crossed the summit of the Lai-metol range I 

spite to Sir J. Johnstone, whom he knew had wished him to be banished, 
and who (on account of the Senaputtee's exceptionally bad character) 
would never admit him into the Residency. For this act the British 
military authorities had the sepahis flogged. — Nos. 1-11, East India 
(Manipur) Blue Books. — Ed. 



270 MY EXPEEIENCES IN MA.NIPUE. 

gave a last look at the valley, and saw it no 
more. 

I passed through Shillong, where I was hospitably 
entertained by the Chief Commissioner, Mr. "Ward, 
and on reaching Calcutta received a command to 
visit Lord Dufferin at Benares. He received me 
very kindly, and under his roof I spent a most enjoy- 
able day. I left Bombay on the 9th of April, and 
reached home on the 28th, thus practically finishing 
my active Indian career, after nearly twenty-eight 
years' service. 



( 271 ) 



CHAPTER XXX. 

CONOLTTSION. 
The Events of 1890 and 1891. 

When I first began this book it was my intention to 
have given a connected account of the Palace Revo- 
lution of September 1890, and that of 1891, against 
the British Government. Being probably the only 
living person in full possession of the whole facts 
connected with the startling events that then took 
place, and the circumstances that led up to them, 
and having, moreover, a strong conviction that it is 
best for all parties that the truth should be known, 
I felt that a fair and impartial statement could do 
no harm, and might act as a warning. Further 
reflection has led me to alter my determination, and 
to ask myself the question, " Cui bono f " The 
Government of India has shown no desire to make 
more disclosures than necessary, and it is not for 
me, a loyal old servant, to lift the veil. 

" Let the dead past bury its dead." 

However much, therefore, I may wish to see the 
right horse saddled, I shall for the present, at any 
rate, avoid criticism as far as possible, and confine 
myself to a few general remarks. 



272 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUB. 

Notliing that I can say will undo the past, and all 
that remains is to hope for the future. 

After I left Manipur fresh disturbances broke out 
in the Kubo valley, where I had left all peaceful, 
prosperous, and contented, and a considerable strain 
was put on the resources of Manipur. Had I been 
ordered to return I would gladly have done so, but 
my health was too bad to make it advisable for me 
to volunteer my services.* I regret that I did not, 
as I might in that case have again urged the claims 
of Manipur to have the Kubo valley restored to her, 
as she had a right to expect that it would be ; 
substantial hopes having been on at least one 
occasion held out to her, and her many good services 
and constant loyalty entitling her to consideration. 

However, it was not to be ; and in the summer of 
1886 another misfortune befell her, in the death of 
Maharajah Chandra Kirtee Singh. Perhaps, like 
his father, Ghumbeer Singh, he was happy in the 
hour of his death, as he did not live to see the 
disgrace of his country, and the ingratitude of our 
Government to his family. 

Now was the grand opportunity for the Grovern- 
ment and an able Political Agent to step in and 
make the many needful reforms, and introduce 
necessary changes, and instil a more modern spirit 
in keeping with the times, into the institutions of 
the country. Did we take advantage of it? Of 
course we did not ; but, true to our happy-go-lucky 

* " Oh ! for a moment of Colonel Johnstone's presence at such a crisis," 
wrote a British oificial from Manipur, to the Pioneer, in 1891. " One 
strong word with the ominous raising of the forefinger, would have 
paralyzed the treacherous rebel Koireng (Senaputtee) from perpetrating 
this outrage." — Ed. 



LOST OPPOETUNITY. 273 

traditions, let one precious opportunity after another 
pass by unheeded. Year after year during my 
period of office had I struggled hard, and carried on 
a never-ending fight for influence and prestige, with 
the strong and capable old Chandra Kirtee Singh, 
gaining ground steadily ; but realising that, while I 
worked, the full advantage would be reaped by that 
one of my successors who might chance to be in 
office when my old friend closed his eventful life. 
At such a time, in addition to the result of my 
labours, a weaker occupant of the throne would 
affi)rd many opportunities such as were not vouch- 
safed to me, and now the time had arrived when we 
might have worked unimpeded for the good of all 
classes. 

Soor Chandra Singh, the former Jubraj, or heir 
apparent, succeeded his father, a good, amiable man, 
with plenty of ability, but very weak. He was 
loyal to the British Government, and had on several 
occasions given strong proof of it, and he was much 
respected by his own people. Had he been taken in 
hand properly all would have been well, but the 
Government of India seems never to have realised 
that excessive care and caution were necessary. 
The records of the past plainly showed that the 
appointment of a Political Agent was always a 
difficult one to fill satisfactorily, but no pains seem 
to have been at any time taken to find a suitable 
man; if one happened to be appointed, it was a 
matter of chance, and the post seems generally to 
have been put up to a kind of Dutch auction. On 
one occasion I believe that an officer, who was at 
the time doing well, and liked the place, was taken 

T 



274 MY EXPBBIENOES IN MANIPTJE. 

away, and another, who did not wish to go, sent up, 
to die within a month of a long-standing complaint. 
For all this, of course the Foreign Office must be 
held responsible, as it had a long traditional know- 
ledge of Manipur ; and though its powers were 
delegated to the Chief Commissioner of Assam, it 
should have ascertained that that officer was capable 
of making a good selection, and had an officer under 
him fit for the appointment. The work may not have 
been of a nature requiring the very highest class of 
intellect, but it certainly did require a rather rare 
combination of qualities, together with one indispen- 
sable to make a good officer, namely, a real love for 
the work, the country, and the people. My imme- 
diate successor had these latter qualities, but he died 
of wounds received within six weeks of my leaving.* 
It is to be regretted, also, that the Government of 
India acts so much on the principle that the private 
claims of some of its servants should be considered 
before the claims of the State generally, and the 
people over whom they are put, in particular. It 
seems to be thought that the great object, in many 
cases, is to secure a certain amount of pay to an 
individual, quite irrespective of his qualifications, 
rather than to seek out an officer in every way 
competent to administer a great province, and satisfy 
the requirements of its people, I say this especially 
with reference to Assam. Few provinces of India 
require more special qualities in its ruler, containing, 
as it does, many races of different grades of civilisa- 
tion ; the situation being further complicated by the 

* Major Trotter. He received wounds from an ambuscade, and died 
of their effects, July, 1886.— Ed. 



MOBE^GAEE EEQUIEED. 275 

presence of a large European population of tea- 
planters. These, by their energy and the judicious 
application of a large amount of capital, have raised 
it to a great pitch of prosperity, and they naturally 
require to be dealt with in a different way to their 
less civilised native fellow-subjects. 

An officer may be an admirable accountant, or 
very well able to decide between two litigants, or, 
may be, to look after stamps and stationery ; but 
without special administrative experience, or those 
abilities which enable a genius to grasp any subject 
he takes up, he cannot be considered fit to be trusted 
with the government of a great and flourishing 
province. His claims as regards pay should not be 
allowed to weigh at all with the Grovernment of 
India; it is unjust to the people, and would be 
cheaper to give an enhanced pension than ruin a 
province. Yet it cannot be denied that the con- 
siderations I have referred to, do prevail, and that 
the Manipur disaster was, in a great measure, due to 
the system, and that with proper care it could never 
have happened. 

When I was in Manipur no European could enter 
the state without obtaining the permission of the 
Durbar through the Political Agent, and the Maha- 
rajah, very wisely, did his utmost to discourage such 
visitors, unless they were friends of the latter. 
Orchid collectors, and such like, were rigorously 
excluded, wisely, again I say, considering the havoc 
wrought by selfish traders with these lovely denizens 
of the forests of Manipur and Burmah, and when the 
Burmese war broke out, very few were those of our 
countrymen who had visited the interesting little 

T 2 



276 MY EXPERIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

state. As for myself I quite sympathised with the 
Maharajah and I even said a word on behalf of the 
Sungai (swamp deer) peculiar to Manipur and 
Burmah, and advised him to preserve it strictly. I 
fear it must be extinct in Manipur by this time. 
The Burmese war changed all this ; troops poured 
through the country, and European officers were 
constantly passing to and fro, m,uch to the annoyance- 
of the Durbar. Of course, a stay-at-home Englishman 
will hardly understand this, but to anyone knowing 
natives of India well, it is self-evident, a European 
cannot go through a state like Manipur where sus- 
picion reigns rampant, and where people are wedded 
to their own peculiar ways, without causing, a great 
deal of trouble. All sorts of things have to be pro- 
vided for him, and though he pays liberally, some 
one suffers. The presence of one or two Europeans 
constantly moving about would no doubt in itself be 
a source of annoyance to the high officials of Manipur, 
who would always suspect them of making enquiries 
with a view to an unfavourable report to Government. 
All natives of India are suspicious, and this remark 
applies with tenfold force to Manipuris. 

It cannot, I fear, be denied, that as a race we are 
a little careless of the feelings of others. It is pos- 
sibly due in a great measure to our insularity ; but, 
whatever be the cause, it is an undesirable quality to 
possess. With a regiment of Native Infantry sta- 
tioned at Langthabal to support our authority, our 
prestige ought to have rapidly increased ; apparently 
the reverse was the case, and from time to time inci- 
dents occurred, which indicated how events were 
drifting. On one occasion some sepoys of the Poll- 



THE SENAPUTTEB. 277 

tical Agent's escort were hustled and beaten by some 
Manipuris at a public festival, and on another the 
man carrying the Grovernment mail bag between 
Imphal and Langthabal, was stopped and robbed of 
the mails. Everything seemed to show that our 
position was not what it had been. In former days 
such things could not have happened. 

Kotwal Koireng had always been a bad character, 
and had for years been under a cloud. Had I re- 
mained in Manipur I should have turned him out 
when the Maharajah his father died, and reported 
the matter to Government. He was allowed to 
remain, and proved the ruin of the state. His blood- 
thirsty nature soon showed itself, and he half-roasted 
two men after a most cruel flogging, the Maharajah 
was asked to turn him out of the state, and would 
probably have consented, but just at the time a 
European sergeant shot a cow, the sacred animal of 
the Hindoos, an outrage far exceeding any that our 
imagination can paint, and the Rajah in his wrath 
flatly refused to punish his brother, while such a 
fearful crime as cow killing, was allowed to pass 
unnoticed. Of course the last was an untoward 
event, that should never have occurred. We ought 
not to allow uncultured Europeans likely to be 
careless of native feeling and susceptibilities to enter 
a state so' full of prejudice and suspicion as Manipur. 

Thus events followed one another in rapid suc- 
cession, signs every now and then appearing which 
showed that all was not as quiet as it seemed. I 
heard from time, to time things that made me uneasy, 
as I gathered that Kotwal Koireng, now become 
Senaputtee or Commander-in-Chief, had much power 



278 MY EXPBEIENCES IN MANIPUE. 

and influence, and I felt sure that he would soon 
make an attempt to oust his brother, the Maharajah. 

At last the attempt was made. In September, 
1890, the Maharajah Soor Chandra Singh was 
attacked in his palace at night, and driven out. He 
fled to Cachar and having petitioned the Govern- 
ment of India for his restoration, proceeded to 
Calcutta. The case was a simple one, a palace 
revolution had occurred and our nominee whose 
succession and whose throne we had guaranteed, had 
been deposed. The course to be adopted by Govern- 
ment was as clear as the day, Soor Chandra Singh 
should have been restored at once and the usurper 
severely punished for insulting the majesty of the 
British Government. Nothing of the kind was done. 
It was decided, on what grounds I know not, to 
break our pledged word ; the Maharajah was to be 
exiled with a pittance for his support; his stupid 
boorish brother who had been set up as puppet by 
the Senaputtee was to be Rajah ; while the evil 
genius of Manipur, the treacherous Senaputtee, was 
to be exiled. The Government of India then ordered 
the Chief Commissioner of Assam to proceed to 
Manipur and carry out their decision, including the 
Senaputtee's arrest. 

It is difficult to say which showed the greatest 
want of wisdom, the Government in issuing such an 
order, or the Chief Commissioner in accepting such 
a mission, quite derogatory to one of such high rank. 
We all know how it ended. The less said about it 
the better, it reflects no credit on us.* 

* " The general history^ of the Manipur incident," wrote the Times 
in a leading article, Aug. 14, 1891, " must inspire mingled feelings in the 



THANGAL MAJOE. 279 

With one or two things, however, I am concerned, 
and one of these is the sentence on Thangal Major, 
or G-eneral as he was called ; in the correspondence 
usually ignorantly referred to, as " The Thangal 
Greneral," a misnomer, Thangal being a name and 
not a title. This old man seventy-four years of age 
had long almost retired into private life. He was a 
devoted follower of Soor Chandra Singh, and hated 
the Senaputtee whose evil influence he always feared 
would wreck Manipur. This probably made the latter 
recall him to public life, so as to keep him under his 
eye; anyhow, he was by force of circumstances 
obliged, however unwillingly, to act as a loyal subject 
of his own de facto chief. 

I have said so much about the old man, that his 
character will be well understood. He was a strong, 
able, unscrupulous man, not likely to stick at trifles, 
and, like most Asiatics of his type, capable of 

breasts of most Bnglislimen. The policy in which, it originated, cannot 
be said to reflect credit on the Government of India, while the actual 
explosion itself was precipitated by a series of blunders which have 
never been explained. There seems to be little doubt that had the 
Government of India made up its mind promptly on the merits of the 
dynastic quarrel between the dethroned Maharajah and his brothers, the 
Senaputtee would hardly have been able to commit the crimes which 
have cost him his life. But for five months the Government of India 
seemed to accept the revolution accomplished last September in the 
palace of Manipur. That revolution was notoriously the work of the 
Senaputtee, although he chose, for his own reasons, to place one of his 
brothers on the throne. The Government did not indeed assent to the 
change, but their local representative does not appear to have taken marked 
steps to express his disapproval. He is said to have tolerated and con- 
doned it to this extent, that he kept up friendly relations with the new 
ruler as with the old. On the deplorable mistakes which led up to the 
massacre, and made it possible, it is unnecessary to dwell. They are 
still unaccounted for, and so many of the chief actors in that fatal 
business have perished, that it is more than doubtful whether we shall 
ever know exactly to whom they severally were due." — Ed. 



280 My expeeiencbs in manipur. 

anything. This does not, however, mean that he 
was worse than his neighbours, our characters are 
made by our surroundings, and in Manipur the sur- 
roundings are not of an elevating nature. Thangal 
was in many ways kind hearted, in others ruthless, 
and for the moment cruel, his wrath flared up and, 
except when kept aglow for policy's sake, soon 
burned itself out. 

When first I heard of the outbreak I made two 
predictions, both proved to be true. One of these 
was that, whoever was guilty, Thangal Major would 
be accused. I never did think him guilty by pre- 
meditation, but I knew that, as for so long a time he 
was the strong head of the executive, he was not 
loved, and that to save the Senaputtee, whom I of 
course at once pitched upon as the '■'• fons et origo" 
of the rebellion, and who like all of the blood royal 
was looked upon as semi-divine, he would be accused. 
I read the evidence published, which I can quite 
understand appeared conclusive to the tribunal before 
which he was tried ; reading between the lines, 
however, with a thorough knowledge of Manipur as 
I was able to do, it gave me quite a different impres- 
sion. Knowing the old man so intimately as I did, 
his way of talking and his way of acting, I am con- 
vinced that he was in no way a willing accessory to 
• the rebellion, that he in no way connived at the 
invitation to our officers to enter the palace at night, 
and further that he never suggested or consented to 
their murder ! The whole proceeding was so totally 
opposed to his policy that he would never have sanc- 
tioned such an act of folly, to say the least. The 
Senaputtee richly deserved all he got and more. 



UNNECESSARY ALARM. 281 

An unscrupulous and selfish butcher by nature he 
played his cards badly and when he lost, determ,ined 
to involve his whole family and loyal dependents in 
the ruin which his own insensate folly had brought 
on him. I quite acknowledge old Thangal's many 
faults, but I also remember his good qualities, and 
shall ever regret that he came to such an untimely 
end. 

As regards the disposition of the throne I have 
a word to say. Eecognising as I do the necessity 
of maintaining the firmness of our rule and prestige 
to the utmost, a rule that is of incalculable benefit 
to millions, I quite approved of a heavy punish- 
ment being exacted as a terrible warning to all 
time, when we re-conquered Manipur. It cannot be 
denied that we showed unseemly want of nerve 
when the news of the disaster arrived. There was 
no necessity to place Assam under a military ruler, 
nor was there any need for such a formidable muster 
of troops, at a vast expenditure of money and 
suffering, to retrieve a disaster brought about by 
such an extraordinary want of courage, nerve, 
forethought and common-sense.* Our position in 
Manipur had never been a dangerous one, and even 
after the murder of the Chief Commissioner's party 
the troops in the Residency might easily have 
held their own till daybreak, when all opposition 

* Three columns (one alone numbering 1000 strong), were marched at 
once on Imphal, which was found deserted. The Regent was the last of 
the princes who fled. He released the surviving English prisoner, and 
sent him to the British camp to ask for an armistice; hut this was 
refused until he delivered up the Englishmen already dead. The 
Manipuris, then expecting no mercy, opposed the march of the' 
troops, — Ed. 



282 MT EXPEEIENCBS IN MANIPUE. 

would have collapsed, and the rebels would have 
fled, leaving our people masters of the situation. 

I have expressed my opinion as to the mistake we 
made in not restoring the Rajah before the outbreak 
of March, and now I ask the question, why, after 
the rebellion was put down, we did not do our best 
to repair the evil by restoring Soor Chandra Singh 
to his own ? He, or his infant son, might have been 
restored, and have been kept in a state of tutelage 
as long as necessary, and good government would 
have been secured and our pledge to Chandra Kirtee 
Singh have been maintained intact. Instead of this, 
an obscure child, a descendant not of Ghumbeer 
Singh, but . of Nur Singh, was selected, and the old 
line cut off from the succession, and yet three gene- 
rations had been faithful to us. Grhumbeer Singh, 
Chandra Kirtee Singh, and Soor Chandra Singh all 
served us loyally, and yet we suffered the last to die 
of a broken heart in exile. Well might he exclaim, 
" And is this the reward for so many years' service ! " 
For my part I say emphatically, let us beware, we 
have not heard the last of Manipur I 

My sense of right and justice make me record 
facts as they strike me, and yet I cannot help 
acknowledging as I do so, that the Government of 
India is the best government in the world. When 
has India been so governed, and what country in 
Europe has such an able and just administration ? 
Surrounded by difficulties, material, financial and 
political, badgered by ignorant members of the 
House of Commons, for ever asking foolish questions 
and moving foolish resolutions ; the stately bureau- 
cracy plods steadily on with one object in view, the 



INDIA. 283 

good of the people. If at times it makes mistakes, 
who does not? The greatest General is he who 
makes fewest mistakes, and, judged by this standard 
alone, the Government of India has the first rank 
among governing bodies. It has, however, a title 
to honour which no one can assail. It is the only 
instance in history of a body of foreigners who 
govern an Empire, not for their own benefit, but 
for the benefit of the races committed by Provi- 
dence to their charge. May Providence long watch 
over it ! 



( 284 ) 



INDEX. 



Aboks, 39 
Allen, Mr., 244 
Almorah, 56 
Alongpra, 82 
Angamis, 9, 27, 148 
Angao Senna, 113 
Angelo, Captain, 208 
Arraoan, 82 
Assam, 3, 56, 274 
Ava, 81 

BAraLBT, Colonel, 18, 211 

Barrett, Lieutenant, 164 

Bayley, Sir Steuart, 128, 136, 

177-180 
Bernard, Sir C. and Lady, 1 
Biggs, Lieutenant, 36 
Boileau, Lieutenant, 173 
Bombay-Burmah Corporation, 244 
Bretto, 249 
Boyd, Major, 61 
Boyle, Mr., 3 
Brown, Dr., 18 
Buddhism, 83 
Bularam Singh, 72 
Burmah, 80, 240 
Burrail Bange 17, 24 
Burney, Colonel, 86 
Burrliampooter, R., 39, 100 
Burton, Lieutenant, 68 
Butler, Captain, 17, 25 

Cachaeebs, 24 
Cachar, 124, 149, 179 



Calcutta, 53, 127 
Campbell, Sir G., 2 

, Dr., 166 

, Major, 258 

Carnegy, Mr., 59, 93, 102 
Cawley, Mr., 149, 157 

, Mrs., 157 

Chandra Kirtee Singh, 69, 74, 89 

China, 89 

Chindwin, R., 81, 100, 250-260 

Chomjet, Rajah, 68 

Cook, Major, 167 

Coombs, Mr., 11 

Cooper, Mr., 11 

Cuttack, 1, 44 

Dalton, General, 43 
Damant, Mr., 28, 147, 161 
Debindro, 89 
Delhi Assembly, 54 
Deo Panee, 7 
De Renzy, Dr., 168 
Dimapur, 8, 45 
Diphoo Panee, 10 
Dufferin, Earl of, 262-270 
Dun, Captain, 209, 222 
Dunseree, R., 9 
Durand, Colonel, 56 

Bebtjng, 98 

Elliott, Sir C, 201, 207, 215, 223 

England, 1, 206 

Eteson, Dr., 266 

Evans, Major, 162 



INDEX. 



285 



FoKBES, Lieutenant, 172 

Ganges E., 100 
Ghumbeer Singh, 86, 139 
Goalundo, 2, 214, 
Golaghat, 3, 177 
Gordon, Captain, 36, 89, 120 
Gowhatty, 2, 51 
Grange, Mr., 34 
Grant, Captain, 85 
Guthrie, Colonel, 63 

Hbndbeson, Lieutenant, 16 9 • 
Himalayas, 14, 55 
Hinds, Mr., 155-158 
Hurreo Jan, 19 

Indian-Colonial Exhibition, 108 
Imphal, 65, 121 
Irrawaddy E., 252 

Jenkins, Captain, 22 
Johnstone, Sir James's wife, 2, 48 

151, 216 
Johnstone, Sir James's children, 

48, 133, 166 
Joobraj (Soor Chandra Singh), 69, 

152 
Juggernaut, Feast of, 144 

KBATOrGB, Gbneeal, 57 

Kendat, 249, 250 

Kenoma, 22 

Keonjhur, 130 

Khyahs, 15 

Kohima, 17, 23, 35, 149 

Kongal Tannah, 101, 210 

Kong-hoop-kool, lCl9, 166, 268 

Koireng Singh (Senaputtee), 72, 

112, 152, 280 
Kola Eanee, 68 
Konoma, 47, 157-164, 170 
Kooak Kaithel (crow bazaar), 96 
Kubo vaUey, 79, 86, 101, 200, 212, 

234, 264 
Kuki tribe, 25, 164, 166, 180, 196 



Langthabal, 88, 121 
Logtak Lake, 128, 205 
Lumphal, 239 
Lushais, 93, 192 
Lyall, Sir A., 128 
Lytton, Lord, 128 

Macgkegob, Colonel, 174 

Mahometans, 84, 221 

Mansel, Colonel, 167 

Mao Tannah, 149, 198, 242 

McCuUoch, Colonel; 57, 60, 75, 89 

Medlicotts, 41 

Michell, Colonel, 192 

Mingin, 259 

, Woon of, 244, 249 

Monour, Mr., 244 
Mozuma, 39, 42, 93, 176 

Nambor Foebst, 6 
Nation, General, 162 
Needham, Mr., 11, 48 
Nichu Guard, 16 
Nigriting, 3 
Noonpong, 6 
Nowkattu, 9, 42 
iNur Singh, Eajah, 89, 282 
Nuttall, Colonel, 169 

O'Beibn, Dr., 178 
Ogle, Mr., 209 
Oldham, Mr., 209 

Pegu, 82 

Pemberton, Lieutenant, 85 

Phayre, Mr., 209-214 

Phoiohing, 66 

Pong, 81 

Prendergast, General, 267 

Pullel, 121 

QuiNTON, Mr., 5 

Eaban, Lieutenant, 169, 198 
Eamsey, Sir H., 56 



286 



INDBX. 



Earn Singh, 68 
Roberts, Mr., 244 
Ridgeway, Major, 18, 173 
EuckstuM, Mr., 257 

Samagooting, 12, 41, 177 

Samoo Singh, 66 

Scott, David, 85 

Sena Eaithel (Golden bazaar), 134 

Shillong, 58, 270 

Sudya, 122 

Sumjok, 87, 200, 207 

Suktis, 129 

TANG0L, Major, 75, 216, 236 
Tamu, 79, 246, 263 



Thobal, 210 

Thompson, Sir Rivers, 52 

Trotter, Major, 274 

Vebelst, Govbbnoe, 85 

Walkbb, Major, 158 
Wankai Rakpar, 72, 281 
Ward, Mr., 240, 270 
Watt, Dr., 210 
Wilcox, 68 

Williamson, Major, 167 
Woodthorpe, Colonel, 18 
Wynne, 22 

YoMA Mountains, 102, 234 



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